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ON
UNIVERSAL HISTORY,
* THE
MANNERS, anD SPIKIT
O F
NA T1026
From the Reign of CHARLEMAIGN
To the Age of LEWIS XIV.
—
Written in French by M. de VoLTaire. -
| Tranſlated into Engliſh,
With additional Notes and Chronological Tables.
By Mr. NUGENT.
The Sz cond EpirT1ox, reviſed, and conſiderably
improved by the AUTHOR,
VOL. IL
LONDON,
Printed for J. Novusss at the Lamb oppoſite Katherine
Street in the Strand. MDCCLIX.
j
+3
_
FI
EIT»
7 A * 8
©
+/,
BA
—
THE
CONTENTS.
CHAP. XLVIII, *
O F the Eaſt and Jenghiz-chan. Page t
CHAP. XLIX.
Of Charles of Anjou, king of the two Sieilies;
and of the Sicilian Veſpers. 15
CHAP. L
Of the Cruſade againſt the Albigenſet. 19
CHAP. LI.
State of Europe in the thirteenth century. 27
CHAF MC
Of Spain, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 32
CHAP. LIII.
Of Philip the Fair, and Boniface VIII. 44
CHAP. LIV.
Of the puniſhment of the knights templars, and of
the ſuppreſſion of this order. 52
CHAP. IV.
Of the revolution of Swiſſerland in the beginning 4
the fourteenth century.
A 2 cHap.
zSW@ TOUNTENTS
CHAP. Lvl.
Continuation if the fate of the Empire, Taly, and
the 2 in the fourteenth 4.4 þ 8 63
c HA p. Ln.
Of Foan, queen of Naples. 73
CHAP. LVII..
Q the emperor C tarles IF. and, the return of **
Holy ſee from Avignon to Rome.
CHAP. IIx.
Of the great ſebiſm of the Wet. _
CHAP, LX.
The Council of Conſtance. 94
ee:
Of Foln Huſs and Jerome of Prague. 101
CHAP, LXII.
State of Europe towards the time of the council of
Conſtance. © 109
CH AP. LXHI.
Of France and England, during the reigns of FRG
of Valois and n III.
Of Francs dur ing ee 132
- *
t „ w 7
p - 4 A 0
CHAP.
The CONTENTS.
CH. PP: LEV;
Of the Black Prince, the king of Caſtile, Don Pe-
dro the Cruel, and the conſtable. du Gueſclin. 141
CHAP. LXVI.
Of France and E * during the reign of
Charles J. 145
CHAP. LXVIL |
Of King Charles VI. and the freſh ibu on of
France by Henry V, hing of England. I52
CHAP. LXVIII.
Of France during the 'reign of Charles VII. 164
CHAP. LXIX.
Manners and cuſtomi, arts (ant ſciences, towards
the thirteenth and Fourteenth centuriet. 172
C HAP. LXX.
Infranchiſements, privileges of cities, Hates ge-
neral. 190
CHAP. LXXI. |
Of taxes and cim. 194
CHAP. L
Of the parliament to the reign of Charks VII. 198
| CHAP. LXXIIL
wy the council of Baſil held at the time of Charles
VII.
20
C HAP. LXXIV. ,
Of the decline of the Greek empire. 214
2 CHAP.
The CONTENTS.
C HAP. LXXV.
Of Tamerlane. 218
CH AP. LXXVI.
Continuation of the hiſtory of the Turks, and of the
Greeks till the taking o Conſtantinople. 227 Of
CHAP. LXXVI.
Of Scanderbeg. 2.31
Ste
Of
CHAP. LXXVIE.
Of the taking of Conſtantinople by the Turks. 234 of
CHAP. LXXIX.
Of the progreſs of the Turks. 245 07
Ar. LEXX.
Of Lewis XI, king of France. 257 yp
| |
CHAP. LXXXI.
Of Burgundy and the Swiſs at the time of Lewis XT, |
in the fifteenth century, 269
| CH AP. LXXXIL 7
Of Chivalry, 275 75
2 CH AP. LXXXIII.
Of the feudal government after Lewis XI, in the Of
fifteenth century. | 280 |
HAF. LEXXTV.
Of Charles VIII, and the flate of Europe when he
undertook the conqueſt of Naples, S8 * 5
The CONTENTS
C H A P. LXXXV.
State of Europe at the end of the 15th century. 288
| CHAP. LXXXVI.
Of the conqueſt of Naples. Of Zizim, brother of
7 Bajazet II. Of Pope Alexander VI, Sc. 307
CH AP. LXXXVIL
Of Savonarela. boy; 316
; CHAD
Of Picus of Mirandola. 319
5 C HAP. LXXXIX..
Of Pope Alexander, and king Lewis XIT. 322,
CHAP. FC.
7 Wickedneſs of the family of Alexander VI, and
1 of Ceſar Borgia: the affairs of Lewis XII,
7 and Ferdinand the catholic, continued : death of
. pope Alexander VI. 330
„„ Een
The political affairs of Lewis XII continued. 337
CHAP. XCIL
he / the league of Cambray, and the conſequence of it.
0 Of pope Julius Il, &c. 339
CHAP, XCIIL |
he be affairs of Lewis XII continued; of Ferdinand
1 and of Henry Vll, king Eng-
A | | cup!
The CONTENTS,
CHAP. XCIV.
E bund and: its misfortunes. ofte invading”
hm Of legs 7 _— * of Henry
VI, &c. 45K 353
CHE CH AP. XCV. |
Of Edibard 2 58 of Anjou, and the
fer of Henry V Ft a : 302
"T2
918 CHAP. XCVL -
Continuation off the troubles of .E ap MES E 4.
ward IV, under the tyrant Richard III, and to
the end of the reign of Henry VII. - 366.
CHAP. XCVIE. —
Geral idea of the n . e
1 1
N
AN 5
ES
ON
Vniverſil Hiſtory,
| The MaxNzRs and "ICEM of
N N
n wet o dender dme cf
C HA p. XLVIII.
Of the Eaft and Fenghix- chan.
empire aroſe on the other ſide of Perſia,
towards the Gihon and the Oxus. We
call it Khouarazm or Choraſſan, from the corrupt
| O; T of the ruins of the Caliphate a new
name of its conquerors. The dominions of
Mohammed the Khouarazmian extended from the
further end of Irac, or the antient Media, beyond
the province of Sogdiana, and far up into the
country of the Tartars. He had added to his
territories a part of India, ſo that he was one
of the moſt powerful motarehs in the world:
Vol. II. | but
Of the Eaft Ch. xlviii.
but ſtill he paid homage to the Caliph, whom he
was ſtripping of his dominions, and who had
nothing left but Bagdat. |
Beyond the mounts Taurus and Caucaſus, to
the eaſt of the Caſpian ſea, and of the Volga as
far as China, and northward as far as the frigid
zone, is ſtretched that immenſe tract of land, the
country of the ancient Scythians, who were af-
terwards called 'Tatars, and whom we diſtinguiſh
by the name of Tartars, from Tatarkan one of
their greateſt princes. This country ſeems to have
been peopled time immemorial, without having
any towns or cities. The people, like the Bedo-
ween Arabians *, having imbibed from nature, a
taſte for liberty and a vagrant life, conſider towns
as priſons, where crowned heads confine their
ſlaves, | |
Their continual incurſions, their frugal man-
ner of living, their moderate reſt either in a tent,
or a cart, or on the ground, has rendered them
a hardy race, inured to fatigue, who in guiſe of
wild beaſts that multiply too faſt, have roamed
far from their dens; one time towards the Palus
Mceotis, when they drove away the inhabitants of
thoſe countries, who in the fifth century, fell
upon .the Roman empire; another time to the
eaſt and ſouth, towards Armenia and Perſia ; and
another time towards China, and the Indies,
Thus this- vaſt reſervoir of an ignorant but war-
like race, has ſpread its inundations almoſt over
* The Bedoween Arabs were anciently called Scenitæ, becauſe
they lived in tents, from the Greek word mn, a tent: there
are numbers of theſe ſcattered all over Arabia; but chiefly in
the mountains to the eaſt of Mecca and Medina; and their
trade is to rob caravans that are going to Mecca,
B N
Our
and Fenghiz- chan.
our whole hemiſphere; and the illiterate herd
that now inhabit thoſe deſerts, know no more
than that their anceſto1s were conquerors of the
world. |
Each horde or tribe had its chief, and ſeveral
chiefs. were united under a chan. The tribes
near the Dailailami adored him; an adoration
conſiſting chiefly in a ſmall tribute : the others
had no other worſhip than that of ſacrificing a few
animals once a year to the ſupreme being. It is
not known that they ever offered up human vic-
tims to the Deity, or that they believed in ſuch a
miſchievous ſpirit as the devil, The wants and
occupations of a vagrant life prevented their fall-
ing into a great many ſuperſtitions, which are
the offspring of idleneſs : they had no failings but
ſuch as are the neceſſary conſequence of a ſavage
manner of living ; and thoſe very failings contri-
buted to their conqueſts, |
All we know with any degree of certainty con-
cerning the grand revolution brought about by
| thoſe Tartars in the twelfth and thirteenth centu-
| ries, is that eaſtward of China the hordes of Mon-
guls or Moguls, who have the beſt iron mines,
manufactured that metal, which conquers thoſe
who are maſters of every thing elſe. Cal-Chan
or Gaſſar-Chan, the grandfather of Jenghiz-Chan,
being at the head of thoſe tribes, which are more
warlike and better armed than the reſt, compel-
led ſeveral of his neighbours to pay homage ta
him, and founded a kind of monarchy, ſuch as,
may be ſuppoſed to exiſt among a vagrant nation
impatient of ſubjection. His ſon, whom the Eu-
ropeans call Piſouca, ſettled this riſing empire;
75 B 2 | and
7 ”
i
*
o
7 .
Of the Eaſt Ch. xlviii.
and Jenghiz-Chan at length extended it over the
greateſt part of the known world.
Between his dominions and China there was
a powerful ſtate, ſubject to a Chan, whoſe
anceſtors had renounced the vagrant life, and
built themſelves towns after the example of
the Chineſe. This Chan was even known in
Europe; and is he who for ſome time went b
the name of Preſter- ohn. Some critics have pre-
tended to prove that the right name is Prieſt-
John, though there was no reaſon for calling
him either Pręſter or Prieſt.
"This however is certain, that the reputation of
his capital was ſpread over all Aſia, and had ex-
cited the cupidity of ſome Armenian merchants,
' who were of the ancient ſect of Neſtorius.
Some of their monks ſet out along with them
upon the journey, and in order to recommend
' themſelves to the Chriſtian princes, who at that
time were waging war in Syria, they wrote word
that they had converted this great Chan, who
was the moſt powerful of all the Tartars ; that
they had chriſtened him by the name of John,
and that he had been even deſirous of going into
orders. This is the ſtory that rendered the name
of Preſter- John ſo famous in the ancient chroni-
cles of the Cruſades. People went to look for
Preſter- John afterwards into Ethiopia, where
they gave this name to a negro prince, who is
half a ſchiſmatic, and half a Jew. In the
mean time the Tartar Preſter-John received
a total overthrow from Jenghiz's army, The
conqueror ſeized his dominions, and was choſen
"ſovereign of all the Tartar Chins, by the title of
' Jenghiz-Chan, which ſignifies king of kings, —
7 F 0
|
F
,
and Jenghiz-chan.
the great chan. His former name was Temugin.
It ſeems that the Tartar Chans had a cuffom of
convoking their diets towards ſpring ; which diets
were called C:ur-iltt, Who knows but thofe
meetings, and the plenary courts of the Gauls in,
the month of March and May, are derived front
the ſame original? n
In this aff: | |
they ſhould believe in one God only, and
perſecute no man for his religion: a ſure proof.
that his vaſſals were not all of one perſuaſton.
Military diſcipline was ſtrictly enforced: Ther
officers all from the loweſt fubaltern to thoſe w H
had the general command, were bound to daily,
duties: and thoſe who did not take the field,”
were obliged to work one day in the week”
for the ſervice of the great Chan. ' Adultery
was prohibited with ſo much the more feverity;:
as there was a toleration of polygamy,” Theile“
remained but one diſtri&t in Tartary, where
the inhabitants were permitted to continue
the practice of proſtituting their women to travel-
lers. Witchcraft was expreſsly prohibited upon
pain of death, Woe have taken notice that
Charlemaign puniſhed it only by fines. - But it.
follows from thence that the Germans, Franks,
and T artars, all believed alike in witchcraft. In
this grand aſſembly of barbarous princes, Jeng-
hiz-Chan had recourſe to an artifice which has
often ſucceeded. A prophet foretold that- this-
prince ſhould be ſovereign of the univerſe ; which
was an encouragement to the vaſlals of the
Grand Chan, to fulfil the prediction.
DD T61T6 1 2.
B 3 £24933 325 Jenghiz
embly Jenghiz-Chan decreed that
q
Of the Eaſt Ch. xlviii,
Jenghiz publiſhed a new law which was
likely to transform his ſoldiers into heroes. He
made it capital for any one whoſe aſſiſtance
was called for in time of battle, to run away.
Having quickly ſubdued the ſeveral countries
ſituated betwixt the river Volga and the wall of
China, at length he fell upon this ancient em-
pire, which at that time was called Cathai. He
took Cambalu, the capital of North Cathai; the
very ſame city which now goes by the name of
Pequin. After he had made himſelf maſter of
half of China, he carried his victorious arms to
the extremity of Corea.
One would hardly imagine, even were he to
be accuſtomed to read the moſt romantic fictions,
that a prince would ſet out from the further end of
Corea, which is the eaſtern extremity of our
globe, to wage war in Perſia and India. And
yet this is what Jenghiz-Chan performed.
The caliph of Bagdat, whoſe name was Naſ-
ſer, imprudently called him to his aſſiſtance. At
that time the caliphs were, as we have already
obſerved, in the ſame condition, as the indolent
kings of France under the tyranny of the mayors
of the palace: the Turks were maſters of the
caliphs. | |
Sultan Mohammed of the race of the Khou-
arazmians, of whom we have lately made
mention, was ſovereign of almoſt all Perſia; and
Armenia, being in a weak condition, paid him,
tribute. The caliph Naſſer, whom Mohammed
wanted to ftrip of this ſhadow of dignity, invited -
Jenghiz-Chan into Perſia. |
The Tartar conqueror was at that time ſixty
years old : it ſeems he underſtood the art of go-
| vernment
and Fengbia- chan.
vernment as well as the ſword; and his life
is a proof that there never was a great conque-
ror without being an able politician. A con-
queror is a man who knows how to make a pro-
per uſe of another's arm. Jenghiz's adminiſtra-
tion of the conquered part of China was ſo
prudent, that it never revolted during his ab-
ſence; and ſo perfectly did he underſtand how to
rule his family, that his four ſons, who were his
lieutenant generals, placed their whole ſtudy and
emulation in ſerving him, and contributing to his
victories. | | |
Our European battles appear like ſkirmiſhes,
when compared to ſome of thoſe engagements,
which have embrued the fields of Aſia in blood.
Sultan Mohammed marches againſt Jepghiz with
an army of four hundred thouſand men, beyond
the river Jaxartes near the city of Otrara * : and
in thoſe ſpacious plains, which extend from that
city to the forty ſecond degree of latitude, he
meets the Tartir army of ſeven hundred thou-
ſand men, commanded by Jenghiz and his four
ſons. The Mahometans were defeated and Otrar
taken, At this ſiege they made uſe of a ram;
a military engine which ſeems to be the natural
invention of almoſt all nations, like the bow
and arrow, . a
From that country which lies towards the
Tranſoxana, the conqueror advances to Bo-
chara, a city celebrated over all Aſia for its
extenſive commerce, its woolen manufactures,
and eſpecially for the ſciences, which the Turkiſh
A city of Turqueſtan, heretofore called Farah and Fariah.
It is ſituated in lat. 49; watered by the river Schaſch, at a
ſmall diſtance from Balaſſagoun. |
B 4 ſultans
OF the Eaſt Ch. xlviiie
ſultans had learnt of the Arabians, and which
flouriſhed in Bochara and Samarcand. If we
may give credit to the chan Abulgaſi, to whom
we are indebted for the hiſtory of the Tartars,
Bocar ſignifies learned in the Tartar - Mongul
language; and from this etymology, of which
there does not remain the leaſt veſtige, comes the
name of Bochara. The Tartars after plundering
the town, reduced it to aſnes; as Alexander had
treated Perſepolis. But the Orientals who wrote
the hiſtory of Jenghiz-chan, ſay that he did it in
revenge for the ill treatment of his ambaſladors,
whom the ſultan had put to death before this
war. If there is any excuſe for Jenghiz, there
can be none for Alexander,
All thoſe vaſt countries to the eaſt and ſouth of
the Caſpian ſea were ſubdued; and ſultan Mo-
hammed was obliged to fly from one province to
another, carrying with him his treaſure and. his
bad fortune, till at length he died abandoned by
all the world. The victor penetrated as far as
the river Indus; and while one army . was
employed in the conqueſt of Indoftan, another
under the command of his ſon ſubdued all the
provinces to the ſouth and weſt of the Caſpian
ſea, viz. Khoraſſan, Irak, Shirvan, and Aran.
They paſled the iron gates, not far from whence
the city of Derbent “ is ſaid to have been built by
Alexander, This is the only paſs on that fide
from the Upper Aſia, acroſs the rugged and inac-
* Latin authors call it portæ Caucaſie and Pyle Iberice z the
Turks give it the name of Demir or Temir Capi, which ſignifies
an iron gate. It is the principal paſſage from Perſia and the moſt
ſouthern provinces of Aſia to Muſcovy and the reſt of the
northern Rates of Aſia and Europe,
ceſſible
and Fenghiz-chan.
ceſſible mount Caucaſus, From thence this vic-
torious army marched along the Volga towards
Moſcow, and ravaged all Ruſſia; taking or killing
a prodigious number of cattle and ſlaves, Loaded
with this booty, they repaſſed the Volga, and
returned to meet Jenghiz-chan by the north-eaſt
of the Caſpian. No traveller, it is ſaid, had ever
been round that ſea; and thoſe troops were the
firſt, that undertook ſuch a tour, through uncul-
tivated countries, impervious to any but Tartars,
who wanted no tents, magazines, not baggage,
and who fed upon horſe-fleſh like that of other
animals, |
Thus one half of China, and the half of In-
dia, with almoſt all Perſia as' far as the Euphra-
tes, the frontiers of Ruſſia, Caſan, Aſtracan,
and all Great Tartary, were conquered by Jeng-
hiz in about eighteen years. It is certain that
this part of Tibet where the grand Lama reigns,
was incorporated into his empire, and that the
-pontif was not moleſted by Jenghiz, who had a
great many worſhippers of that human idol in
his armies. All conquerors have ſpared the ſu-
preme heads of religion, becauſe they gencra'ly
flatter their vanity, and the ſubmiſhon ot the
pontif is attended with that of the commen
people. | |
Returning from the Indies through Perſia, and
the ancient Sogdiana, he {topped in the town of
Toncat to the north-eaſt of the river Jaxartes,
as the center of his vaſt empire. His ſons,
victorious on all ſides, his generals, and tributary
princes, brought him the treaſures of Aſia. He
diſtributed largeſſes to his ſoldiers, who had been
hitherto ſtrangers to this kind of opulence.
75 B 5 Hence
9
Of the Eaſt Ch. xIviii.
Hence it is that the Ruſſians to this very day fre-
quently find ornaments of gold and filver, and other
monuments of luxury buried under ground in the
wilds of Tartary. Theſe are the only veſtiges of
ſuch numerous depredations.
In the plains of Toncat he held a triumphal
court, where his magnificence equalled the martial
Preparations, with which he began his conqueſts,
On this occaſion there appeared a mixture of
Tartar barbariſm, and Aſiatic luxury. All the
chans and their vaſſals, the companions of his
victories, were mounted on thoſe ancient Scythian
cars, the uſe of which ſubſiſts to this day among
the Crim Tartars; and thoſe cars were covered
with coſtly. ſtuffs, with the gold and diamonds
of ſo many conquered nations. In this aſſembly
one of Jenghiz's ſons made his father a preſent
of a hundred thouſand horſes. It was in thoſe
ſtates- general of Aſia that he received homage of
above five hundred ambaſſadors, from the count
called Tangut, on the frontiers of China. When
he was near ſeventy years of age, he wanted
to complete the conqueſt of this great empire,
the favourite object of his ambition, But at
length he was ſeized with a mortal illneſs in
his camp, as he was upon his march, within
a few leagues of the great wall, Never did
man before nor ſince ſubdue more numerous
nations. His. conqueſts extended above eigh-
teen hundred leagues from eaſt to weſt, and
upwards of a thouſand from north to ſouth,
But this conqueror was à deſtroyer ; for if we
'except Bochara and 'two 'or three more towns
which he ſuffered to be rebuilt, his empire, from
the ' frontier of Ruſka to that of China, was
one
%
and Jenghiz-chan.
one continued ſcene of deſolation. China was
leſs ranſacked, becauſe after the taking of Pequin,
the reſt of the provinces which he invaded, made
no reſiſtance. Before his death, he ſhared his
dominions among his four ſons, who were the
moſt potent princes of the earth.
It is ſaid that a great many n\en were ſacrificed
over his tomb, and that this uſage was continued
at the death of his ſucceſſors, Who reigned in
Tartary. This is an ancient cuſtm of the Scy-
thian princes, which was lately diſcovered alſo
among the negroes of Congo; a cuſtom worthy
of human barbarity. Some pretend that it was a
point of honour among the domeſtics of the
Tartar chans to die with them, and that they
diſputed with one another the honour of being
interred with their maſters. If this fanaticiſm was
common; and if death was ſo trifling a thing to
thoſe people, they were formed for the conqueſt
of the world. The admiration of the Tartars
for Jenghiz-chan greatly increaſed, when he was
no more: ſo that they imagined he was not
born like other men, but that his mother had
conceived him by the ſole aid of a celeſtial in-
flux; as if the rapidity of his conqueſts was not
a ſufficient prodigy. If ſuch men are to have a
ſupernatural father, we muſt ſuppoſe him to be
a malignant being. | |
This conqueror's ſons extended the dominions
left them by their father. Octai and foon after
Coblai-chan, the ſon of Octai, completed the
conqueſt of China. It is this Coblai that Mark
Paolo ſaw towards the year 1260, when he tra-
velled with his brother and uncle into thoſe coun-
tries, which were not even ſo much as known
B 6 at
II
12
Of the Eaſt Ch. xlviii.
at that time by name, and which he calls Cathai.
This Mark Paolo is celebrated over all Europe
for his travels into the territories ſubdued by
Jenghiz-chan ; but Europe ſoon forgot thoſe ter-
ritories and their conqueror, |
It is true that pope Innocent IV ſent ſome
Franciſcan friars into Tartary in the year 1246.
Thoſe friars, who ſtiled themſelves ambaſſadors,
ſaw but little, were treated with the greateſt con-
tempt, and did no manner of ſervice,
So little were the Europeans acquainted
with what paſſed in that vaſt part of the world,
that an impoſtor, whoſe name was David, made
St. Lewis when in Syria, believe he was deputed
to wait on him by the great chan of Tartary,
who had embraced Chriſtianity : St. Lewis ſent
Rubruquis the monk into thoſe countries in 1258,
to inquire about the matter. By the' relation of
Rubruquis it appears, that he was introduced
to the grandſon of Jenghiz-chan, who reigned
in China. But what inſtructions could we expect.
from a monk, who travelled among a people
whoſe language he did not underſtand, and who
was not capable of making a right judgment of
what he did ſee ? All that he braught back with
him after his travels, was only a great many
falſe notions, and a few truths of no conſe-
quence, | | |
Thus, at the ſame time that the Chriſtian
princes and lords were bathing the kingdom of
Naples, Greece, Syria, and Egypt, with human
blood, Aſia was over-run by the Tartars: fo that
almoſt our whole hemiſphere was ravaged at the
ſame period, 1 5
Jengbiz
and Feng biz- chan. =
Jenghiz availed himſelf of the right which
the oriental princes have always claimed, a
right ſimilar to'that of fathers of families in the
Roman law, of chuſing their heirs, and dividing
their eſtates among the children without regar
to ſeniority. He appointed his third ſon Octay
great chan of Tartary, whoſe poſterity reigned
in the north of China till towards the middle of
the fourteenth. century, The Tartars were in-
troduced into that country by force of arms; and
expelled from thence by religious quarrels, The
prieſts called Lamas wanted to exterminate the
Bonzes ; and theſe ſtirred up the people, The
princes of the Chineſe race took advantage of
this eccleſiaſtic diſpute, and at length drove out
their maſters, whom plenty and indolence had
enervated. | , | ad
Another ſon of Jenghiz-chan, whoſe name
was I ouchi, had Turqueſtan, Bactriana, the
kingdom of Aſtracan, and the country of the
Uſbecks. The ſon of this Touchi penetrated as
faras Poland, Dalmatia, Hungary, and.even to the
gates of Conſtantinople. He was called Batou-
can. The princes of, Crim Tartary are deſcend-
ed from him by the male line ; and the Uſbeck
| Khan, who are now ſettled. in proper Tartary to
the north and eaſt of the Caſpian ſea, refer
their original alſo to the ſame ſource, They
are maſters of North Bactriana; but they lead
only a vagrant life in that fine country, which
they have turned into a deſert.
uti, or Tuli, the other fon of Jenghiz, had
Perſia in his father's life-time. The ſon of this
Tutti, whoſe name was Houlacou, paſſed the
Euphrates, which Jenghiz-chan never did. Po
| ub-
14
Of the Eaſt &c. Ch. xlviii,
ſubverted the empire of the caliphs in Bagdat,
and made himſelf maſter of part of Aſia Minor or
Natolia, while the natural lords of that fruitful
part of the Greek empire were driven from their
capital by the Chriſtian cruſaders.
A fourth ſon, named Zagatai, had Tranſoxana,
Candahor, the north part of India, Cachemir,
and Tibet: and the deſcendants of thoſe four
monarchs maintained for ſome time their empires,
which had been founded in plunder.
Charlemaign has been blamed for dividing his
dominions among his children; but Jenghiz-chan
ought to be commended. The dominiens of
Charlemaign were contiguous to each other, had
nearly the ſame laws, the ſame religion, and
might be governed by one prince. Thoſe of
Jenghiz-chan, being much more extenſive, inter-
ſected by deſerts, and divided into different reli-
gions, could never be long ſwayed by the ſame
Dvercign.
This vaſt power of the Mogul Tartars,
which had been founded about the year 1220,.
was weakened on every fide; when Tamerlane,
above a century later, erected an univerſal monar-
chy in Aſia, which was alſo divided into different
branches.
Let us return now to the weſt, and ſee what
paſſed in Europe during the 13th century..
CHAP,
Of Charles of Anjou, &c.
CHAP. ALIX.
Of Charles of Anjou, king of the two Sicilies;
and of the Sicilian Veſpers. :
£7 HILE the great revolution of the Tartars
Y was in its courſe ; while the ſons and grand-
ſons of Jenghiz-chan were ſharing the greateſt
part of the known world; while the cruſades
were ſtill continuing, and St. Lewis unfortunately
preparing for his Tat expedition, the imperial
houſe of Swabia came to be extinct in a moſt
extraordinary manner: the remainder of this illu-
ſtrious blood was ſpilt on the ſcaffold.
The emperor Frederick II. had been at the
ſame time ſovereign, vaſſal, and enemy of the
popes: and he paid them homage for Naples and
Sicily. His ſon, the emperor — obtained
poſſeſſion of thoſe kingdoms. Every author
I have read, aſſures us, that this Conrad was
poiſoned by his brother Manfred, Frederick's
natural ſon : but I do not ſee that any of them
gives the ſlighteſt proof of it. Manfred got poſ-
ſeſſion of theſe , kingdoms, which of right be-
longed to his nephew Conradin, ſon of Conrad,
and grandſon of Frederick II. The pope as lord
paramont ſeemed to have a right to puniſh Man-
fred : but had he any right to diſpoſleſs. an uſur-
per, only in order to ſtrip an, orphan, who was the
lawful heir? Right, however, appeared on the
ſide of intereſt. The popes hated, and at the
ſame time were afraid of this family: the buſineſs
was therefore only to find out a prince, who in
receiving the inveſtiture of Naples and Sicily, was
alſo
15
16
1264.
1266.
Of Charles of Anjou, Ch. xlix.
alſo able to conquer thoſe kingdoms. Charles,
count of Anjou, offered his ſervice to the pope,
who ſoon ſtruck a bargain with him, though he
had promiſed the inveſtiture to others.
This count of Anjou was already poſſeſſed of
Provence in right of his wife; and what made a
great addition to his power, was his having ſub-
dued the city of Marſeilles. He had likewiſe a
dignity, which a man of abilities might convert to
bis advantage, namely, his being the only ſenator
of Rome. Pope Urban IV was afraid of this
prince, even when he called him to his aſſiſtance;
ſo that he granted him the inveſtiture, on condi-
tion that he ſhould renounce this dignity at the end
of three years, and pay three thouſand ounces of
gold every year for the feudal dependance of the
kingdom of Naples; and that if the payment
happened ever to be above two months behind
hand, he ſhould be excommunicated. Charles
eaſily agreed to theſe and to all other conditions:
and the pope granted him the tenth penny on the
eccleſiaſtical revenues in France. He ſet out
with troops and money, was crowned at Rome,
*
s
behaved with great ſeverity after this ſucceſs, and
*
1
and gave battle to Manfred in the plains of Be-
nevento, where he gained a compleat victory,
Manfred being killed in the engagement. Charles
ſeemed to have been as cruel, as his brother St.
Lewis was humane. a
In the mean time young Conradin, the right
heir of the kingdom of Naples, was in Germany
during the interregnum, which laid that country
waſte; and while they were ſtripping him of the
kingdom of Naples, his adherents encouraged
bim to come and defend his inheritance, He
Was
.
. yet it proved the moſt unfortunate.
King of the two gail. 5 17
was then only fifteen years old ; but his courage
was ſuperior to his age. He put himſelf at the
head of an army, in company with the duke of
Auſtria his kinſman, to ſupport his rights. The
Romans were for him ; ſo that Conradin, though.
excommunicated, was received at Rome with the
acclamations of the whole people, at the very
time that the pope durſt not approach his own 1268,
capital,
It may be truly ſaid, that of all the "ib in
this century, Conradin's was the moſt ju * and
he pope
publiſhed a cruſade againſt him, as well as againſt
the Turks; in conſequence of which he was de-
feated and taken priſoner in Apulia, together
with his kinſman Frederick, duke of Auſtria.
Charles of Anjou ought to have honoured them
for their courage; but inſtead of that, he cauſed
them to be condemned by the civil magiſtrate. 1288.
The ſentence paſſed upon them was, that they
merited death for taking up arms againſt the
church: and accordingly theſe two unhappy
princes were put to death at Naples by the hands
of the public executioner. Pope Clement IV,
to whoſe reſentment they ſeemed to have fallen a
ſacrifice, durſt not approve of this barbarity ; a
barbarity ſo much the more deteſtable, as it was
attended with the forms of juſtice. |. I cannot,
help being ſurprized, that St. Lewis never. re-
proved his brother for ſo baſe and cruel an action:
he whom the Egyptians had-ſpared under a leſs
favourable ſituation, ſhould ſurely have condem+
ned the cruelty of Charles of Anjou. The con-
queror, inſtead of honouring the. Neapolitans,
exaſperated them greatly by his oppreſſion ; ; ſo
that
18 Of Charles of Anjou, Ch. xlix,
that both he and his whole nation were held in
the utmoſt horror, »
It is the general opinion, that a Sicilian gentle-
man, Whoſe name was John of Procida, diſguiſed
in the habit of a Franciſcan friar, laid that fa-
mous conſpiracy, by which every Frenchman in
the iſland was to be maſlacred at the ſame hour on
Eafter Sunday, upon ringing the bell for veſpers &.
It is certain, that this John of Procida had pre-
pared the minds of the people in Sicily for a re-
volution; that he had been negotiating at Con-
ſtantinople and in the kingdom of Arragon; and
law, had entered into an alliance with the Greek
emperor againſt Charles of Anjou: but it is not
at all probable, that the Sicilianu veſpers was a
premeditated conſpiracy. If there had been any
plot formed, it would have been executed chieffy
in the kingdom of Naples; and yet not one
Frenchman was killed there. Malaſpina relates,
that a native of Provence, named Dropuet, was
1282. committing a rape upon a woman in Palermo, at
the time that the people were going to veſpers:
the woman cried out; the people flocked to her
aſſiſtance, and killed the Frenchman. This firſt
emotion of private revenge awakened the gene-
ral hatred : the Sicilians, excited by John of
Procida, and by their 1 immediately
cried out, that it was neceſſary to deſtroy the ene
my; upon which they put every Frenchman they
found in Palermo to the ſword. The ſame rage
and fury which poſſeſſed the breaſts of all the na-
tives, produced the ſame maſſacre throughout the
» Y:ſpers is the evening ſervice in the church of Rome.
| * whole
that Peter, king of Arragon, Manfred's ſon- in-
L.
„ 0 RE WT WWwT 9 05
Of the Cruſade &c.
whole iſland. It is ſaid, that they ripped open
the bellies of pregnant women, to pluck out the
foetus's as yet unformed ; and that the very monks
murdered their female penitents of the French
nation. It is moreover affirmed, that only one
mow of Provence, whoſe name was des
orcellets, eſcaped the general ſlaughter. And
yet it is very certain, that the governor of Meſ-
ſina, with all his garriſon, withdrew from the
iſland into the kingdom of Naples. 57 ll
The blood of Conradin was thus revenged, -
but not upon thoſe who had ſpilt it. The Sicilian
veſpers only brought new misfortunes upon thoſe
people, whoſe happy Alimate ſeemed to have been
deſigned rather a e than a blefling to them.
But it is now rc back a little, and to
ſee what new. cities were produced in this
ſame century by the
uſe of the cruſades, and
the miſtaken, zeal of Wigion.
CHAT. Þ.
Of the Cruſade againſt the Albigenſes.
HE bloody quarrels betwixt the empire and
the prieſthood, the opulence of religious
houſes, and the abuſe which ſo many prelates had
made of their temporal power; all this together
muſt ſooner or later have exaſperated mankind, and
inſpired them with a defire of independence. Ar-
nold of Breſcia had ventured to ſtir up eyen the
people of Rome to ſhake off the yoke. They
began to reaſon a good deal in Europe towards
the
20
Of the Cruſade Chap. 1.
the twelfth century, concerning religion, There
were men at that time who would have no other
law but the goſpel, and who preached up very
near the ſame doctrine as that now held by the
Proteſtants. They were called Vaudois, becauſe
of the great number of them in the valleys of
Piedmont ; Albigenſes, from the city of Alby ;
good people, becauſe of the regularity of life
which they affected; and in fine Manicheans,
which was a general name then given to here-
tics. To the ſurprize of every body, the pro-
vince of Languedoc, towards the end of the
twelfth century, ſeemed to be filled with theſe
people.
In the-year 1198, pope Innocent III. deputed
two Ciſtercian monks to try. the heretics: ** We
* command, ſajd he, the princes, counts, and all
de the lords of your province, to aſſiſt you with
all their might againſt the heretics, by the au-
& thority they have received for the puniſhment
cee of- evil doers: ſo that after brother Rainier
& ſhall have pronounced ſentence of excommu-
o nication againſt them, the lords are to confiſ-
& cate their goods, to baniſh them from their
6 eſtates, and to puniſh them with ſtill greater
& ſeverity, if they dare to reſiſt. Now we have
“ given power to. brother Rainier, of obliging
© the lords to comply with theſe our orders, by
& excommunication, and by an interdict upon
& their eſtates, &c.” This was the firſt founda-
tion, or origin of the inquiſition.
An abbot of Citeaux was afterwards nomi-
nated, in conjunction with other monks, to go
and execute this office at Toulouſe, which ſhould
have been done by the biſhop. This proceeding
was provoked
I. | | againſt the Albigenſes. 21
ſaſFnated ; and the ſuſpicion fell upon the count
of Toulouſe, Y wo
Pope Innocent III. did not ſcruple to diſcharge
the ſubj.Cts of the count of Toulouſe from their
oath of allegiance. Thus they treated the de-
ſcendants of that Raymond of Toulouſe, who
had been the firſt in ſerving the Chriftian cauſe
in the expedition of the cruſades.
re provoked the count of Toulouſe, the count of
er Foix, and all the lords of the country, who had
y been already ſeduced by the reformers, and exaſ-
e perated againſt the court of Rome.
ſe This ſect conſiſted chiefly of burghers, reduced
of to indigence by the long ſlavery from which
3 they had been ſcarce freed, and likewiſe by
fe the cruſades. The abbot of Citeaux appeared
5s, in the equipage of a prince; and in vain
>= aſſumed the character of an apoſtle. While he
= was preaching to the people, they cried out, ei-
E ther lay aſide your pomp, or your ſermon. A Spaniſh
e | biſhop of Oſma, a very honeſt man, who was
then at "Toulouſe, adviſed the inquiſitors to lay
d down their ſumptuous equipages, to walk on
e foot, to live in an auſtere manner, and to imitate
I the frugal ſimplicity of the Albigenſes, in order
h to convert them. aint Dominick, who had ac-
- companied this biſhop, joined with him in ſetting
t the example of this apoſtolic life, and ſeemed at
r that time to wiſh that no other weapon ſhould be
- employed againſt error. But Peter'of Caftelneau,
- one of the inquiſitors, was accuſed of having
r made uſe of thoſe arms, which ſuited his cha-
y racter, viz. of privately exciting ſome of the neigh-
- ' bouring lords againſt the count of Toulouſe, and 1207.
4 fomenting a civil war. This inquiſitor was aſ-
f
|
The
Of the Cruſade Chap. 1.
The count being ſenſible of the effect which a
bull was likely to produce, - ſubmitted to the ſa-
tisfaction required of him. One of the pope's
legates, named Milon, orders him to wait upon
him at Valence, to deliver up ſeven caſtles which
he was poſſeſſed of in Provence, to perform a
cruſade againſt the Albigenſes his ſubjects, and
to do public penance. The count accordingly
obeyed in every article, os
The ſcene was now opened: on the one
fide appeared the duke of Burgundy, the count
of Nevers, Simon count of Montfort, and the
biſhops of Sens, Autun, and Nevers, at the head
of their troops, with the unfortunate count of
Toulouſe in the midſt of them, in the nature of
an hoſtage: on the other there was ngthing
to be ſeen but a multitude of poor people, who
had the misfortune of being incited by a religious
fanaticiſm. The city of 12 attempting to
hold out againſt the cruſaders, was taken by
ſtorm; the inhabitants having fled for refuge to a
church, were all put to the ſword, and the town
was reduced to aſnes. The people of Carcaſſone,
intimidated by this example, ſubmitted to the
mercy of the conqueror: upon which their lives
were ſpared, they were permitted to quit the
town almoſt naked, and their goods were confiſ-
cated. . F
The title of Machabee, and Defender of the
church, was conferred on count Simon of Mont-
fort; who made himſelf maſter of a great part
of the country, by ſeizing the caſtles of the
ſuſpected lords, by attacking thoſe which were
not put into his hands, and by purſuing ſuch
| heretics as ventured to defend themſelves. It is
| I related
J IEG ESL Eon ent ao oo wu bl ff
againſt the Albigenſes. 23
related by eccleſiaſtic hiſtorians, that upon
Simon of Montfort's ſetting fire to the faggots
deſigned for the execution of theſe unhappy
wretches, a hundred and forty of them began
to ſing pſalms, and then flung themſelves into
the flames. By thus depopulating Languedoc,
they, diſtreſſed the count of Toulouſe, who
all this while made no defence but by his
negotiations. He repaired to St. Giles, to 1210.
make his court to the legates, biſhops, and ab-
bots, who were at the head of this cruſade; and
he wept bitterly in their preſence. They told
him that his tears proceeded from fury and de-
ſpair; and the legate gave him his option, either
to reſign to Simon of Montfort all the lands
which this count had uſurped, or to be excommu-
nicated. The count of Toulouſe had, however,
the courage to chuſe the laſt, and fled for refuge
to his brother-in-law Peter II. king of Arragon,
who undertook his defence, having almoſt as
much reaſon as the count himſelf to complain of
the chief or leader of this cruſade. _
In the mean time the number of cruſaders in-
creaſed, from the avidity of gaining indulgences
and riches. The biſhops of Paris, Liſieux, and
Bayeux, repaired to the ſiege of Lavaur ; where
fourſcore knights, together with the lord of this
town, were taken prifoners, and condemned to
be hanged ; but the gibbet being broke down,
they were given up to the fury of this religious
ſoldiery, who put them all to the ſword. The
lifter of the lord of Lavaur was thrown into a
well, round which they burnt three hundred in-
habitants who refuſed to abjure their opinions.
Prince
24 Of the Cruſades Chap. I.
Prince Lewis, who was afterwards king Lewis
VIII. joined indeed with theſe cruſaders, in order
to get a ſhare of the ſpoils ; but Simon of Mont-
fort ſoon got rid of a companion who would
have been his maſter. 3 21
It was the intereſt of the popes to grant this
country to Montfort; and the ſcheme of ſettling it
upon him was ſo well laid, that the king of Arragon,
«with all his mediation, could not obtain the leaſt
conceſſion in favour of his brother-in-law. He
ſeemed therefore to have recourſe to arms, only
when every other. method had proved unſucceſs-
. ful.
The battle which this prince fought againſt the
* cruſaders in the neighbourhood bf "Toulouſe, and
in which he himſelf was ſlain, was reckoned a moſt
extraordipary affair. It is related by a multitude
1213; Of writers, that Simon of Montfort, with only
eight hundred horſe and one. thouſand foot, at- |
tacked the army commanded by the king of Arra-
on and the count of "Toulouſe, who had then
Faid ſiege to Muret. They mention alſo, that
the king of Arragon had one hundred thouſand
fighting men, and that there never was a. more
complete overthrow, In fine they ſay, that Simon
. of Montfort, the biſhop of Toulouſe, and the
- biſhop of Cominge, divided their army into three
bodies, in honour of the holy Trinity.
But is it at all likely, that only 1800 men
would attack an army of 100,000 in the open
field, and divide themſelves into three bodics ?
It is a miracle, ſome writers will ſay : but mili- |
- tary people upon reading ſuch a ſtory, will
tell them it is nonſenſe and abſurdity, |
After
N
i againſt the Albigenſes.
is After this victory, the pope held a general
er council at Rome, whither the count of Toulouſe
t- went to ſue for pardon. I cannot diſcover what
d foundation he had for hoping that his territories
ſhould be reſtored to him : he came off very well
is in not being deprived of his liberty ; the council
it even reckoned it an act of clemency, to order he
n, ſhould be allowed a penſion of four hundred
ſt marks of ſilver. |
le Upon the death of Innocent III, Raymond of
ly Toulouſe did not meet with milder treatment ;
4 for he was beſieged in his capital by Simon of 1218.
Montfort. This man, who had done ſo much
ne miſchief, and acquired ſo much glory, was wound-
id ed here by a ſtone ;z which put an end to his fuc-
ft ceſs, and to his life.
* He left a ſon behind him, on whom the pope
ly conferred all the rights and privileges of the fa-
"o ther; but he could not give him the ſame reputa-
* tion: and from that time the cruſade againſt Lan-
guedoc began to decline. The ſon of old Ray-
© mond, who. had ſucceeded his father, was, like
* him, alſo excommunicated. Lewis VIII, king
"i of France, obtained a renunciation from young
* Montfort of all thoſe territories, which he was
* not able to keep: but death put a ſtop to Lewis
A in the midſt of his conqueſts; and this country
did not come under the power of the kings of
* France till the reign of Philip the Bold.
* The popes divided the ſpoils. The young
4. count of Toulouſe was obliged to cede to them
li. in 1222 the county of Venaiflin, which included
hve ſmall towns. It was his aſylum, and a fief
of the empire, as were all the lands on the other
fide of the Rhone, We could have wiſhed that
Vor. Il, C the
ter
26
1234.
ſcurity.
Of the Cruſades Ch. I.
the right of the holy ſee to this ſmall territory
had not been of ſo odious a nature, nor pur-
chaſed by blood, The good underſtanding be-
twixt the court of France and pope Gregory IX
ſtripped the houſe of "Toulouſe of the remainder
of her inheritance, which ſhe had been in poſ-
ſeſſion of ſince the reign of Charlemaign : and
the miſunderſtanding between the emperor Fre-
deric II and that ſame Gregory IX, was the
means of reſtoring this ſmall territory again to
the count of Toulouſe. The emperor, as lord
paramount, and a lord paramount that had been
groſly affronted, did juſtice, When Philip the
Bold, king of France, took poſſeffion afterwards
of the great county of Toulouſe, he reſtored
the county of Venaiſſin to the pope, who has
preſerve it ever ſince by the generoſity of the
French monarchs. The city and territory of
Avignon were not included, This inheritance
fell to the branch of Anjou, which reigned at Na-
ples, and in whoſe hands it continued, till the un-
fortunate queen Joan of Naples transferred it at
length in perpetuity to the ſee of Rome.
— the reign of St. Lewis, the pope ſent
two Dominicans and a Franciſcan friar, with the
title of inquiſitors, into the country of the Albi-
enſes, who were then very quiet. The two
en rendered themſelves ſo extremely
odious, that the people drove them out of the
town. Rome itſelf was for a long time obliged
to ſuſpend the inquiſition ; but at length it was
eſtabliſhed. Yet this ſe& ſtill ſubſiſted, though
confined to a few weak people, who lived in ob-
It
{
0
|
{
[
\
I
in the thirteenth century.
It was this ſe that brought the ſcourge of
the inquiſition upon Europe. Pope Innocent IV
erected this court all over Italy, excepting the
kingdom of Naples, as a new tribunal, by which
the authority of the holy ſee was to be fully eſta-
bliſhed. e ſhall ſee in the courſe of this work
what cruelties have been committed by this court
in Spain, and in Portugal.
NN N ce
CHAT. id
State of Europe in the thirteenth century,
IE have ſeen how the cruſades exhauſted
Europe of men and money, without im-
proving ſociety. Germany had been in a down-
right anarchy ever ſince the death of Frederic II.
The ſeveral great lords had appropriated to them-
ſelves the public revenue of the empire; ſo that
when Rodolphus of Habſburg was elected em-
peror in 1273, they would grant him no other
troops but thoſe, with which he had wreſted Au-
ſtria from Ottocares, who had taken it from the
houſe of Bavaria.
It was during the interregnum that preceded
the election of Rodolphus, that Denmark, Poland,
and Hungary, got intirely rid of the ſmall tribute
or duty which they paid to the emperor.
But it was alſo at this ſame period that ſeveral
cities eſtabliſhed their municipal government,
which ſtill ſubſiſts. They entered into an alli-
ance to defend themſelves againſt the encroach-
C 2 ments
27
28
State of Europe Ch. li.
ments of the great lords. The Hanſe towns *,
as Lubeck, Cologne, Brunſwick, Dantzick, to
which four-and-twenty more acceded afterwards,
formed a commercial republic, diſperſed among
different ſtates. The Auſtregues + were eſta-
bliſhed ; theſe are conventional arbitrators be-
tween the princes and nobility, as well as the
Imperial towns : they. ſupply the place of the
courts and laws that were wanting in Germany,
Italy was ſettled upon a new plan of govern-
ment before, and during the reign of Rodolphus,
Several of the towns aſſerted their freedom, which
he confirmed for pecuniary conſiderations, It
ſeems as if Italy might at that time have been in-
tirely ſeparated from Germany
The German lords, in order to increaſe their
power, were deſirous of having a weak emperor.
The four temporal princes, and the three arch-
biſhops, who by degrees engroſſed the right of elec-
tion intirely to themſelves, had, in concert with
ſome others, agreed to chuſe Rodolphus of Habſ-
burg for their emperor, merely becauſe he had
no extenſive dominions. He was a Swiſs lord,
who had made himſelf formidable, as one of thoſe
chiefs to whom the Italians give the name of Con-
*The Hanſe-towns are ſaid to be ſo called from the word Hanſ,
which fignifics alliance: others derive it from the German
word Aanzee, which ſignifies near the ſea, becauſe the firſt towns
that entered into this ſociety were fituated near the Baltic and the
Ocean. It is ſaid that the city of Bremen, en the Weſer, in
Lower Saxony, was the firſt that began to form this alliance, to-
wards the year 1164, in order to encourage the commerce,
which her inhabitants carried on with Livonia.
+ The, Auftregues ſubſiſt to this very day; ſo that the cauſe
of no prince whatever can be brought into the courts of the
empire, before it has paſſed through this firſt inſtance,
dottieri.
1
in the thirteenth century.
dottieri x. He had been long a champion to the
abbot of St. Gal, againſt the biſhop of Baſil, in
a quarrel about ſome tuns of wine : he had like-
wiſe aſſiſted the town of Straſburg. So great
was the diſproportion between his fortune and
courage, that he had been for ſome time ſteward
to that ſame Ottocares king of Bohemia, who,
upon his preſſing him afterwards to yield homage,
made anſwer, That he owed him nothing ; for he
had paid him his wages, Little did the princes
of Germany foreſee, that this ſame Rodolphus
would be the founder of a family, the moſt
flouriſhing in Europe, and which has been more
than once very near attaining the ſame height in
power as Charlemaign. This power was long a
forming; particularly towards the end of this thir-
teenth century, and the beginning of the four-
teenth, the empire had no manner of influence in
urope.
Happy would France have been under ſuch a
fovereign as St. Lewis, were it not for the fatal pre-
judice of the cruſades, which occaſioned ſo many
misfortunes to the nation, and laid him dead on the
ſands of Africa. By the great number of veſſels
fitted out for thoſe unfortunate expeditions, it ap-
pears that France might eaſily have eſtabliſhed an
extenſive commerce. The ſtatutes of St. Lewis
relative to trade, his eſtabliſhing a new police in
Paris, his pragmatic ſanction which ſecured the
diſcipline of the Gallican church, his four baili-
wics, to whoſe juriſdiction the courts of his val-
ſals were ſubject, and which are the origin of
the parliament of Paris, his regulations and ex-
* An Italian word, ſignifying a leader,
C 3 actneſs
29
State of Europe Ch. li.
actneſs in regard to the coin, all together ſhews
that France might have been rendered at that
time a flouriſhing kingdom. T
In regard toEngland it enjoyed as much happineſs
under Edward I as the manners of the time would
permit, This prince united Wales to his dominions,
and ſubdued Scotland, which received a king of
kis appointing. It is true the Engliſh were no
longer poſſeſſed of Normandy nor Anjou; but
they had almoſt all Guienne, If Edward I had
only a curſory war with France, it was owing to
his being ſo much employed at home, either when
» 3 or when he was diſpoſſeſſed of Scot-
land. |
We ſhall give a ſeparate and more copious ar-
ticle to Spain, which we left long time ſince
a prey to the Saracens. There remains only
that we mention a word or two concerning
Kome, | |
The popedom continued towards the thirteenth
century in the ſame ate in which it had been for
many years. The popes were not well ſettled in
Rome, had only a tottering authority in Italy,
were hardly maſters of a few towns in the patri-
mony of St. Peter, and in Umbria; ſtill they con-
tinued to beſtow kingdoms, and to be the umpires
of kings.
In 1289 pope Nicholas ſelemnly determined at
Rome the Apes between the king of Portugal
and his clergy. We have ſeen how in 1283 pope
Martin IV depoſed the king of Arragon, and
gave away his territories to the king of France,
who was not powerful enough to execute the
pope's bull. Boniface VIII gave Sardinia and
Corſica
_ — es gy_ wwe
in the thirteenth century.
Corſica to another king of Arragon, to James
furnamed the Juſt.
Towards the year 1300, when a conteſt aroſe
concerning the ſucceſſion to the kingdom of Scot-
land, pope Boniface VIII wrote thus to king Ed-
ward: „Lou ought to know that it is my place
* to appoint a king of Scotland, which has al-
« ways in full right belonged, and flill belong-
eth to the fee of Rome: but if you pretend
„to have any right thereto, I deſire you would
« ſend your agents or proctors to us, and we
© will do you juſtice. for we reſerve this affair
« to ourſelves.”
Towards the end of the thirteenth century,
when ſome princes of Germany depoſed Adol-
phus of Naſſau, ſucceſſor to the firſt prince of the
houſe of Auftria, and elected Albert of Auſtria,
Rodolphus's ſon, they trumped up the pope's bull
for depoſing Naſſau, which was indeed transfeir-
ing their own power to the pope, This ſame Bo-
niface, upon the news of Albert's election, writes
thus to the electors: We order you to proclaim
% publickly, that Albert, who calls himſelf king
« of the ite ſhall come and appear before
us, to anſwer to the charge of high treaſon,
© and of excommunication incurred,”
It is very well known, that Albert of Auſtria
inſtead of appearing to this ſummons,. defeated
and killed Naflau in a battle fought in the neigh-
bourhood of Spire; and that Boniface, after hav-
ing been ſo profuſe of his excommunications a-
gainſt that prince, was as liberal of his benedic-
tions to him in 1303, when the holy father ſtood
in need of his aſſiſtance, in the conteſt between
him and Philip the Fair. Then, by the plenitude
C4 of
Of Spain, in the Ch. li.
of his power he ſupplied the irregularity of Al-
bert's election; and in his bull he confers upon
him the kingdom of France, which by right be-
longed to the emperors. Such a change does in-
tereſt make in man's behaviour, employing every
means, facred or profane, to attain its end.
But other crowned heads tamely ſubmitted to
the papal juriſdiction. Mary queen of Naples,
and pretender to the kingdom of Hungary, had
her cauſe tried before the pope and his cardinals ;
and the pope adjudged the kingdom to this prin-
ceſs, by default, or for want of the other party's
appearing in court, Nothing more was requi-
ſite for putting this ſentence in execution, but an
army.
France, as we ſhall ſee preſently, did not pay
the ſame deference to Boniface VIII. It is very
well known that this pontif inſtituted the Jubi-
lee, and added a fecond crown to the pontifical
tiara, to ſignify the two powers. John XXII
topped them afterwards with a third. But John
had not two naked ſwords carried before him, as
Boniface had when he granted indulgences.
888 8 8,88 K. 88 888 888 8 8 8. 8 8 888
C HAP. LII.
Of Spain, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
AFTER the Cid had driven the Muſſul-
| men out of Toledo and Valentia, to-
wards the end of the eleventh century, Spain was
divided into ſeveral governments. The kingdom
of Caſtile included the two Caſtiles, Leon, Gali-
cia,
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 33
cia, and Valentia, The kingdom of Arragon
was at that time reunited to Navarre. Anda-
luſia, part of Murcia, and Granada, belonged to
the Moors. Barcelona was ſubject to its own
count, who paid homage to the king of Arra-
gon. A third part of Portugal was under a Chri-
{tian government.
This third part of Portugal was only an earl-
dom. The ſon of a duke of Burgundy, de-
ſcended from Hugh Capet, had made himſelf
maſter of that province at the latter end of the
twelfth century.
A cruſade would have been more likely to
drive the Mahometans out of Spain than Sy-
ria: in all probability the Chriſtian princes of
Spain did not approve of ſuch dangerous ſuccours;
but choſe rather to haraſs their country them-
ſelves, and diſpute it with the Moors, than to ſce
it invaded by cruſaders, ö
Alfonſo, ſurnamed the Jarriour, king of Arra- 1139.
gon and Navarre, drove the Moors out of Sara-
goſſa, which became the capital of Arragon, and
returned no more under the dominion of the
Muſſulmen. |
The ſon of count Henry, whom I call Alfonſo:
of Portugal, to diſtinguiſh him from ſo many
other princes of that name, expelled the Moors
from Liſbon, the beſt port in Europe, and from 1166.
all Portugal, but not from the province of Al-
garves. He gained ſeveral battles, and was at
length crowned king of Portugal. Pope Alex-
ander III pretended it was he that gave him the
crown: he inſiſted alſo on his paying him a tribute
of ſix marks of gold; and the king ſubmitted to
it, knowing that in quarrels among ſo many Spa-
5 niſh
— ?! Po — =
1134.
Of Spain, in the Ch. li.
niſh ſovereigns, the papal ſuffrage was always
able to turn the ſcales,
Had the Chriſtians but exerted themſelves a
little more, the Mahometans would have been
driven out of this country; but union was want-
ing, and the Spaniſh princes were ever at vari-
ance. One time Caſtile and Arragon were up
in arms; another time Navarre was fighting a-
gainſt Arragon; ſometimes theſe three pro-
vinces waged war againſt one another, all at the
ame time; and each of them was often rent by.
inteſtine commotions. There were three kings
of Arragon in ſucceſſion, who joined the great-
eſt part of Navarre to that, kingdom, while the
remainder was occupied by the Moors. Alfonſo
the Warriour, who died in 11g4, was the laſt
of thoſe princes. We may form a judgment
of the ſpirit of the times, and of the badneſs of
the government, by the will of that monarch,
who left his kingdoms to the knights templars,
and the hoſpitallers of St. John of Jeruſalem,
This was eſtabliſhing civil war by a teſtamen-
tary diſpoſition. By good luck thoſe _ did
not attempt to ſupport the will. The itates of
Arragon; continuing to be free, choſe for their
king don Raymir, brother of their deceaſed ſos
vereign, though he had been a monk upwards of
forty years, and for ſome time a biſhop. He was
called the Prieſtiy king, and the pope granted him
a diſpenſation to marry.
During theſe tranſactions Navarre was divided
frem Arragon, and became once more a ſeparate
kingdom, which devolved afterwards, by mar-
riage, on the counts of Champagne, and be-
longed to Philip the Fair, and the houſe of
1 France;
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 35
France ; till it fell at length to the families of
Foix and Albret, and is now abſorbed in the
Spaniſh monarchy. ;
Mean while the Moors maintained their 1158.
ground, and retook Valentia. Their incurſions
ve riſe to the order of Calatrava. The Ci-
Lentian monks of Calatrava, having ſufficient
revenues to defray the expence of defending that
city, armed ſome of their lay-brothers “, toge-
ther with ſeveral eſquires, who fought 2
the Moors with a Scapulary + over their ſhoul-
ders. Soon after was formed this order, which
is neither military nor religious ; the knights of
which are permitted once to marry ; and which
conſiſts only in the enjoyment of ſeveral Com-
manderies 4 in Spain.
The Chriſtians ftill continued to quarrel ; and
the Mahometans ſometimes took advantage of
thoſe quarrels. Towards the year 1197, a king
of Navarre, whoſe name was don Sancho, be-
ing perſecuted by the Caſtilians and the Arrago-
nians, was forced to go over to Africa, to im-
plore the aſſiſtance of the Miramolin of the em-
pire of Morocco; but this ſtep, which ſeemed
* to produce a revolution, had no ſuch ef-
fect.
* Lay-brothers in the church of Rome are perſons that make
the monaſtic vows, but do not enter into holy orders.
+ The Scapulary is a part of the habit of ſeveral religious
orders in the church of Rome, worn over the gown: it conſiſts
of two narrow flips of cloth or ſerge, covering the back and
the breaſt, and hanging down to the feet,
1 A Commandery is a ſort of benefice, or certain revenue, be-
longing to a military order, and conferred on ancient knights,
on hid done ſervices to the crder, as the commanderies of
alta,
C 6 Here-
36
1200.
1212.
Of Spain, in the Ch. lii,
Heretofore, when all Spain was united under
king Roderick, a brave, though perhaps inconti-
nent prince, it was ſubdued in leſs than two
years: and now that it was divided into ſo many
jealous principalities, neither the Miramolins of
Africa, nor the Mooriſh king of Andaluſia, could
make any impreſſion on it. The reaſon is, the
Spaniards were grown more warlike, the country
was thick ſet with fortreſſes, the princes would
unite in caſe of any great danger, and in a word
the Mahometans were not more prudent than
the Chriſtians,
At length all the Chriſtian princes of Spain
entered into an alliance, to oppoſe the forces that
were ready to fall upon them from Africa.
The Miramolin Mahomed-Ben-Joſeph had
croſſed the ſea with near an hundred thouſand men,
and having reinforced his army with the Moors of
Andaluſia, he reckoned he ſhould be able to con-
quer Spain, The report of this great armament
awakened the attention of ſome French knights.
The common danger united the kings of Caſtile,
Arragon, and Navarre. Portugal furniſhed troops.
Thoſe two great armies met each other in the
defiles of the black mountain *, on the confines
of Andaluſia, and the province of Toledo. The
archbiſhop of Toledo was with the king of Ca-
ſtile Alfonſo the Noble, and carried the ſtandard
of the croſs at the head of the troops. The Mi-
ramolin held a ſabre in one hand, and the Koran
in the other. The Chriſtians were victorious ;
and this day is folemnized every year at Toledo
on the.16th of July: but the victory was pro-
* La Sierra Morena,
ductive
twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
ductive of more glory than real advantage. The
Moors of Andaluſia were ftrengthened with the
remains of the African army, while the Chriſtian
forces were ſoon diſbanded. |
In thoſe days it was the cuſtom for almoſt all
the knights that bore arms, to return to their
reſpective homes after a battle, They knew
how to fight, but they did not underſtand the
art of war; and the Moors were leſs ſkilled in
it than the Spaniards, Neither Chriſtians nor
Muſſulmen had any ſtanding armies. |
Spain had been ſo engaged in her own un-
happy affairs for the ſpace of five hundred years,
that ſhe did not begin to concern herſelf with the
reſt of Europe, till the time of the Albigenſes.
We have ſeen how Peter I, king of Arragon, was
obliged to aſſiſt his vaſſals of Languedoc and the
country of Foix, who were oppreſſed under the
pretence of religion; and how he died fighting
againſt Montfort, who had robbed his ſon, and
conquered Languedoc. His widow Maria of
Montpellier, who had retired to Rome, pleaded
this ſon's cauſe before Innocent III, and beſeech-
ed him to interpoſe his authority, that he might
be ſet at liberty. Some conjunctures have done
great honour to the court of Rome. The pope or- 1214.
dered Simon of Montfort to reſtore the child to
the Arragonians; and Montfort reſtored him, If
the popes had always made ſuch uſe of their au-
thority, they would have been the legiſlators of
the univerſe.
This is the very king James, the firſt of the
kings of Arragon, to whom the ſtates took the
oath of allegiance, It is he that expelled the
Moors out of the iſle of Majorca; it is he that
| diſ-
37
— —
r CETEES ©. SRL. 1
38
1238.
1236.
1252.
1248.
Of Spain, in the Ch. li:
diſpoſſeſſed them of the beautiful kingdom of Va-
lentia, a country favoured by nature, where the
natives are ſtrong, healthful, and robuſt, and
every thing conſpires to pleaſe the ſenſes. I am
furprized how ſuch a number of hiſtorians could
fay, that Valentia was only a thouſand paces in
circumference, and yet that no leſs than fifty
thouſand Mahometans marched out of that city.
How was it poffible for ſo ſmall a place to con-
tain ſuch a number of inhabitants ?
This period ſeemed to be deftined for the glory
of Spain, and the expulſion of the Moors. Fer-
dinand III, king of Caſtile and Arragon, diſ-
poſſeſſed them of the famous city of Cordova,
the reſidence of their firſt kings, a city far ſupe-
rior to Valentia; and where they had built a
moſt magnificent moſque, beſides a multitude of
fine palaces,
This fame Ferdinand III ſubdued alſo the
Moors of Murcia; a ſmall but fruitful coun-
try, in which they bred avaſt number of filk
worms, and had very good filk manufaQures,
At length, after a fiege of ſix months, he made-
. himſelt maſter of Seville, the moſt opulent city
belonging to the Mahometans, and which they
never recovered afterwards, Death put an end
to his proſperities. If an apotheoſis be due
to thoſe who have delivered their country from
flavery, Spain ſurely has as much reaſon to re-
vere the memory of Ferdinand, as France to in-
voke St. Lewis. He enacted wiſe laws, like this
king of France; and like him alſo, he eftabliſh-
ed new courts of judicature. He is ſaid to have
erected the royal council of Caſtile, which has
ſubſiſted every ſince,
His
twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
His miniſter was Ximenez, archbiſhop of To- 1252.
ledo, a fortunate name to Spain, but no way re-
lated to that other Ximenez, who, ſome time
after, was regent of Caſtile.
Caſtile and Arragon were powerful ſtates about
this period ; but we muſt not imagine that their
ſovereigns were abſolute; there was not one ab-
ſolute prince in Europe. The Spaniſh lords re-
duced the authority of their kings to narrower
bounds than thoſe of any other ſovereign. The
Arragonians ftill remember the formula of the
inauguration of their kings. The grand juſtici-
ary pronounced the following words in the name
of the ſtates: Nos que valemos tanto como vos, os
hazemos nueſtro rey y ſenor ; con tal que guardeis
nugſiros fueros, ſe no, no. We, who are as good
as ya, do conſtitute you our king, provided you
keep our laws, otherwiſe not.
The grand juſticiary pretended that this was
not.an empty ceremony, but that he had a right
to proſecute the king for any crime in the preſence
of the ſtates, and to preſide in court upon pro-
nouncing his ſentence. I do not however find
that this privilege was ever made uſe of.
Caſtile enjoyed as many privileges as Arragon,
and the ſtates ſet the ſame limits to the ſupreme
power. In ſhort, it is reaſonable to think, that
in countries abounding with ſuch numerous no-
bility, it was as difficult for the kings to enſlave
their ſubjects, as to expe] the Moors.
Alfonſo, ſurnamed the Aſtronomer, or the
Wiſe, ſon of St. Ferdinand, experienced the truth
of this maxim. It was ſaid of him, that while he
was buly in the ſtydy of the heavens, he had for-
got
39
Of Spain, in the Ch. H.
got the earth. This trivial reflexion would be
Juſt, had Alfonſo neglected his affairs for ſtudy ;
but this he never did. The ſame good under-
ſtanding which raiſed him to be a great philoſo-
pher, made him likewiſe a very good king, Se-
veral writers charge him with atheiſm, for ſaying,
that had he been of God's privy council, he would
have given him advice in regard ta the motions of
the flars. Theſe writers do not conſider, that
this jeſt, of ſo ſage a philoſopher, was levelled
intirely at Ptolemy's ſyſtem, with whoſe inſuffi-
ciency and abſurdities he was thoroughly ac-
quainted. He was a rival to the Arabians in ſci-
ence ; and the univerſity of Salamanca, which
was founded by his father, had not his equal.
The Alfonſine tables are ſtill a monument of his
glory, to the ſhame of princes, who take a pride
in being ignorant; but we muſt likewiſe acknow-
ledge, that they were drawn up by Arabians.
The difficulties which embarraſſed his reign,
were not ſurely a conſequence of the ſciences,
which immortalized Alfonſo's name, but of the
vaſt expences of his father. For as St. Lewis
had exhauſted France by his voyages, ſo Ferdi-
nand had for ſome time ruined Caſtile, even by
his acquiſitions, which at that time coſt more
than they were worth.
After the death of St. Ferdinand, his ſon was
obliged to withſtand Navarre and Arragon, which
were grown jealous of his power.
Yet all theſe broils which entangled this royal
philoſopher, did not hinder the princes of the
empire from offering him the Imperial crown :
and the reaſon of his not being raiſed to that dig-
nity, when Rodolphus of Habſburg was elected
in
twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
in his ſtead, was the great diſtance betwixt Ca-
ſtile and Germany. Alfonſo ſhewed at leaſt that
he merited the Imperial diadem, by his manner
of governing Caſtile. His Code, called Las par-
tidas *, is ſtill one of the foundations of Spaniſh
- juriſprudence, |
He lived to ſee his ſon Sancho III rebel a- 1283.
gainſt him in his old age : but the iniquity of
= ſon is not, I think, any diſgrace to the fa-
ther. |
"This don Sancho was by a ſecond wife, and
wanted, in his father's life-time, to be declared
heir to the crown, to the prejudice of the grand-
children by the firſt venter. A factious aſſembly,
who pretended to be the ſtates, gave him the crown.
This outrage is a further proof of what I have often
affirmed, that there were no laws about this time
in Europe, but that all things were determined
according to occaſional conſiderations, and to hu
man Caprice. - |
. Alfonſo the Wiſe was reduced to the hard ne-
ceſlity of entering into a league with the Maho-
metans againſt his ſon and rebellious Chriſtians.
This was not the firſt alliance of the kind, but
it was ſurely the moſt juſt.
The Miramolin of Morocco, at the invitation
of king Alfonſo X, croſſed the ſea. The African
and Caſtilian monarchs met at Zara on the con-
fines of Granada. The behaviour and diſcourſe
of the Miramolin, ought to be perpetuated in
| hiſtory, Having yielded the moſt honourable
place to the king of Caſtile, I treat you thus, ſays
he; becauſe you are unfortunate ; and I join my
This is a collection of old Spaniſh laws, fo called becauſe they
are divided into heads and chapters,
troops
41
3284,
F303,
Of Spain, in the Ch. lii,
fon, and defeated him, which ftill proves how de-
ſerving he was to reign :. but he died ſoon after
his victory. |
\ The king of Morocco was obliged to return
to his dominions: don Sancho, the unnatural
fon of Alfonſo, continued to enjoy the crown,
which he had uſurped from his nephew, and his
reign was happy. |
The Portugueſe dominions at that. time in-
cluded the province of Algarves, which had been
wreſted at length from the Moors. The word
Agarves ſignifies, in Arabic, a fruitful country.
Let us not forget that Alfonſo the Sage afliſted
Portugal greatly in making this conqueſt, All
this, 1 apprehend, irrefragably proves, that Al-
fonſo newer had any reaſon to repent his having
cultivated the ſciences, as ſome hiſtorians would
fain inſinuate, who give themſelves the air of po-
liticians, by affecting to contemn the arts which
they ought rather to reſpect.
So far was Alfonſo the philoſopher from for-
getting his temporal intereſt, that he made pope
regory X. grant him a third part of the tenths
of Leon and Caſtile, a right which he tranſmitted
to his ſucceſſors.
His family met with diſturbances ; but they
maintained. their ground againſt the Moor. His-
grandfon Ferdinand IV. diſpoſſeſſed them of Gi-
braltar, which was not ſo hard to take then, as
it is now. |
This Ferdinand IV is called Ferdinand The
Summoned, becauſe he is ſaid to have ordered in a
hurry of paſſion two noblemen to be thrown
down
troops with you, merely to avenge the cauſe of all
kings and all fathers. Alfonſo fought againſt his.
*
2 * K re
gs; e Re” 1”
Eos en eee
twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
down a rock, who before his commands were
executed, ſummoned him to attend the ſupreme
tribunal in thirty days, and that he died in that
time, We could with that this ſtory was true,
or at leaſt that it was looked upon as ſuch by
thoſe, who believe they have a right to do
every thing with impunity. He was father of
the famous Peter the Cruel, whoſe exceſſive ſeve-
rities we ſhall ſee preſently, an unrelenting prince,
who exerciſed the moſt tyrannical barbarities
upon mankind, without being ſummoned to the
ſupreme tribunal. |
Arragon on the other hand began to acquire
ſtrength, as we have already ſeen ; and its power
was increaſed by the addition of Sicily.
The popes pretended they had a right to diſ-
poſe of the kingdom of Arragon, for two rea-
ſons ; firſt, becauſe they looked upon it as a fief
of the Holy See; ſecondly, becauſe Peter III.
ſurnamed the Great, who was charged with being
concerned in the Sicilian veſpers, was excom-
municated, not for any hand he had had in that
maſlacre, but for having ſeized on Sicily, which
the court of Rome did not chuſe he ſhould. enjoy.
The kingdom of Arragon was therefore tranſ-
ferred by the pope's ſentence to Charles of Va-
Jois, grandſon of St. Lewis. But the bull eould
never be put in execution. The houſe of Arra-
gon proſpered greatly; and not long after, the
popes who had been ſo eager to deſtroy it, con-
tributed to its grandeur. Boniface VIII. gave 11794.
Sardinia and Corſica to the king of Arragon,
James IV. called the Juſt, to prevent the Geno-
eſe and the Piſans from diſputing any further
about thoſe iſlands. 4
t
43
1284.
F303.
Of Spain, in the Ch. lit. |
troops with you, merely to avenge the cauſe of all |
kings and all fathers. Alfonſo fought againſt his.
fon, and defeated him, which ftill proves how de-
ſerving he was to reign :. but he died ſoon after
his victory. | |
The king of Morocco was obliged to return
to his dominions : don Sancho, the unnatural
fon of Alfonſo, continued to enjoy the crown,
which he had uſurped ſrom his nephew, and his
reign was happy.
The Portugueſe dominions at that. time in-
cluded the province of Algarves, which had been
wreſted at length from the Moors. The word
Algearves ſignifies, in Arabic, a fruitful country.
Let us not forget that Alfonſo the Sage aſſiſted
— greatly in making this conqueſt, All
this, 1 apprehend, irrefragably proves, that Al-
ſonſo never had any reaſon to repent his having
cultivated the ſciences, as ſome hiſtorians would
fain inſinuate, who give themſelves the air of po-
lticians, by affecting to contemn the arts which
they ought rather to reſpect.
S0 far was Alfonſo the philoſopher from for-
2 temporal intereſt, that he made pope
regory X. grant him a third part of the tenths
of Leon and Caſt
to his ſucceſſors.
His family met with diſturbances ; but they
maintained. their ground againſt the Moor. His-
2 Ferdinand IV. diſpoſſeſſed them of Gi-
ar, which was not ſo hard to take then, as
it is now. |
This Ferdinand IV is called Ferdinand The
Summoned, becauſe he is ſaid to have ordered in a
hurry of paſſion two noblemen to be ys
OW1n.
ile, a right which he tranſmitted:
twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
down a rock, who before his commands were
executed, ſummoned him to attend the ſupreme
tribunal in thirty days, and that he died in that
time, We could with that this ftory was true,
or at leaſt that it was looked upon as ſuch by
thoſe, who believe they have a right to do
every thing with impunity. He was father of
the famous Peter the Cruel, whoſe exceſſive ſeve-
rities we ſhall ſee preſently, an unrelenting prince,
who exerciſed the moſt tyrannical barbarities
upon mankind, without being ſummoned to the
ſupreme tribunal,
Arragon on the other hand began to acquire
ſtrength, as we have already ſeen ; and its power
was increaſed by the addition of Sicily.
The popes pretended they had a right to diſ-
poſe of the kingdom of Arragon, for two rea-
ſons ; firſt, becauſe they looked upon it as a fief
of the Holy See; ſecondly, becauſe Peter III.
ſurnamed the Great, who was charged with being
concerned in the Sicilian veſpers, was excom-
municated, not for any hand he had had in that
maſlacre, but for having ſeized on Sicily, which
the court of Rome did not chuſe he ſhould. enjoy.
The kingdom of Arragon was therefore tran(-
ferred by the pope's ſentence to Charles of Va-
Jois, grandſon of St. Lewis. But the bull eould
never be put in execution. The houſe of Arra-
gon proſpered greatly; and not long after, the
popes who had been ſo eager to deſtroy it, con-
43
tributed to its grandeur. Boniface VIII. gave 1194.
Sardinia and Corſica to the king of Arragon,
James IV. called the Juſt, to prevent the Geno-
eſe and the Piſans from diſputing any further
about thoſe iſlands, 4
t
Of Philip the Fair, Ch. liii.
Caſtile and France were now allied, becauſe
they were enemies to Arragon. This alliance
was very ſtrict, the prince and ſubjects of both
nations being heartily united.
What paſſed at that time in France, in the
reign of Philip. the Fair, and the beginning of
the fourteenth century, is well worth our atten-
tion.
eee eee
CH AP. LIII.
Of Philip the Fair, and Boniface VIII.
HE reign of Philip the Fair, who aſ-
; cended the throne in 1285, is a remarkable
æra in regard to France, by the admiſſion of
the third eſtate into the national aſſemblies, by
inſtituting the ſupreme courts of judicature
called parliaments, by the firſt erection of a new
peerage in favour of the duke of Britany, by the
ſuppreſſion of duels in civil matters, and by the
law of appanages reſtrained only to male heirs.
At preſent we ſhall confine ourſelves to two other
articles, the quarrel between Philip the Fair and
Boniface VIII. and the ſuppreflion of the order
of knights templars.
' We have already taken notice that Boniface
VIII. of the family of the Cajetans, was a man
of the ſame ſtamp as Gregory VII. more learned
indeed than Gregory in the canon law, as zeal-
ous as he to ſubject the temporal powers to the
church, and all churches whatever to the wy
©
and Boniface VIII.
ſee. Italy was more than ever a prey to the fac-
tions of the Guelphs and Gibellines, The Gi-
bellines were originally the adherents of the em-
peror ; but as the empire at that time was on]
an empty name, the Gibellines ſtill made uſe of
this name to ſtrengthen themſelves and to in-
creaſe their own power. Boniface had been long
a Gibelline when only a private perſon ; but you
may eaſily imagine he was a Guelph, when
raiſed to the pontifical throne, It is ſaid that
the firſt day of Lent, as he was giving the
aſhes to the archbiſhop of Genoa, he flung
them in his face, ſaying to him, remember thou
art a Gibelline, inſtead of, remember thou art man *.
The houſe of Colonna, who were the chief
barons of Rome, and lords of ſeveral towns in
the patrimony of S. Peter, were of the Gibelline
faction. Their intereſt in regard to the popes
was the ſame as that of the German lords in
regard to the emperor, or of the French nobility
in reſpect to the king of France, The power of
the feudal lords claſhed every where with the
ſupreme authority. _ 1
The other barons in the neighbourhood of
Rome were in the ſame circumſtances : the
Joined with the kings of Sicily, and with the Gi-
bellines of the ſeveral towns in Italy. We muſt
not therefore be ſurprized, if the pope was a per-
ſecutor, and was perſecuted in his turn. Almoſt
all thoſe lords had diplomas of vicars of the holy
ſee, and vicars of the empixe ; this was a ſure
ſource of civil broils, which the reſpect for reli-
* The words uſed in the church of Rome upon giving the
aſhes the firſt day of Lent are, remember man that thou art duſt,
and into duft thou fhalt return,
gion
Of Philip the Fair, Ch. Iii.
ion could never extinguiſh, but was rather in-
creaſed by the haughtineſs of Boniface VIII.
Theſe violent proceedings did not end with-
out much greater outrages, which were commit-
ted' a hundred years after by Alexander VI. The
ſee of Rome at the time of Boniface VIII. was
no longer poſſeſſed of all that country, which
had been held by Innocent II. from the Adriatic
to the harbour of Oſtia. The pope pretended
to the ſupreme _ juriſdiction ; and he had the
lordſhip of ſome towns: but upon the whole
his power might be faid to be very limited,
The great revenue of the ſupreme pontifs conſiſt-
ed in the contributions raiſed on the univerſal
church, in the tenths frequently raiſed upon the
clergy, in diſpenſations, and various taxes.
Things being ſo circumſtanced, Boniface ought
to have carried himſelf fair with a prince, who
had it in his power to deprive him of part of
thoſe revenues, and to ſtrengthen his enemies
the Gibellines. And indeed even at the firſt break-
ing out of the quarrel between him and the kin
of France, he invited Charles of Valois, Philip's
brother, into Italy, who came with a few gend-
arms: he made this prince marry the grand-
daughter of Baldwin the ſecond, the dethroned
emperor of Conſtantinople, and he ſolemnly no-
minated Valois emperor of the Eaſt : fo that in
two years time he diſpoſed of the empire of the
Eaſt and Weſt, with the kingdom of France;
for we have already obſerved (chap. 42.) that in
1303, this pope, upon his being reconciled to
Albert of Auſtria, made him a preſent of France.
Of theſe. three donations only that of the _
I
and Boniface VIII.
of Germany was accepted, becauſe Albert was
actually in poſſeſſion of it. |
The pope, before his reconciliation with the
emperor, had conferred another title on Charles
of Valois, that of Vicar of the empire in Italy,
but eſpecially in Tuſcany, He thought, that
ſince he named the maſters, he had {till a ſtronger
right to appoint the vicars. In order to pleaſe
him, Charles of Valois perſecuted the Gibelline
party at Florence with great fury. And yet at
the very time that Valois was doing him this
ſervice, Boniface treats his brother the king of
France- with the greateſt indignity. Nothing can
be a ſtronger proof that paſſion and animoſity _
will frequently get the better even of intereſt it-
ſelf.
Philip the Fair, who wanted to ſpend a great
deal of money, though he had but little of his
own, pretended that the clergy, as the richeſt
order of the ſtate, ought to contribute towards
the public ſupplies without aſking leave from
Rome. The pope wanted the tenth penny which
had been granted for the relief of the Holy Land,
though it was no longer capable of relief, and was
ſubject to a deſcendant of Jenghiz- chan; but the
king took the money to himſelt, to carry on the war
in Guienne, in which he was engaged in 1301 and
1 302 againſt Edward king of England. Such was
the firſt occaſion of the quarrel, which was aſter-
wards inflamed to a very high pitch by the inſo-
lence of a biſhop of the city of Pamiers. This
man had entered into a cabal againſt the king in
his own province, which was then ſubject to the
Juriſdiction of the crown; and yet the pope made
him his legate to the French court. Thus a _
Je
47
Of Philip the Fair, Ch. Iii.
ject inveſted with a dignity, which, in the ſtile
of the court of Rome, put him at leaſt upon a le-
vel with the king himſelf, comes to Paris to defy
his ſovereign, and menaces to ſuſpend the cele-
1303.
bration of divine ſervice throughout his kingdom,
If a layman had behaved himſelf thus, he would
have been put to death ; but the king found it
neceſſary to act with the greateſt precaution and
tenderneſs, even in arreſting the perſon of the bi-
ſhop : and moreover he was obliged to deliver
him up into the hands of his metropolitan the
archbiſhop of Narbonne. |
No ſooner was this ſtep taken, than out comes
this pope's famous bull, in which he ſays, that the
vicar of Jeſus Chriſt is eſtabliſhed with full power
over all the kings and kingdoms of the earth.
The pope: iflues out his orders to all the bi-
ſhops of France to repair forthwith to Rome.
A nuncio, who was only archdeacon of Nar-
bonne, goes and preſents this bull, and theſe
orders, to the king, -and openly declares to him,
that he muſt acknowledge, as well as all other
princes, that he holds his crown of the pope. To
this inſolent ſpeech ſuch a modeſt anſwer was
iven, as was little expected from a perſon of
hilip's character. All he did was to throw the
pope's bull into the fire, to ſend back the nun-
cio to his own country, and to prohibit the bi-
ſhops from ſtirring out of France ; - and yet
there were at leaſt forty of them, with ſeveral
of the heads of religious orders, who went to
Rome.
The king was then obliged to aſſemble the ſtates
general, only to decide this plain queſtion, whether
the biſnop of Rome was king of France or not.
| Cardinal
EM
_ 7 MR” NSW”
and Boniface VIIT.
Cardinal le Moine, a Frenchman by birth,
but who had now no other country than Rome,
came to Paris in order to negotiate; and if he
could not ſucceed, to excommunicate the king-
dom, This new legate had orders to bring
the king's confeſſor, a Dominican friar, with
him to Rome, that he might give an account of.
his own conduct, as well as of the king's. Every
thing that human wit can rack and invent to cry
up the pope's power, was on this occaſion ex-
hauſted : the biſhops were all ſubmiſſive to him;
new orders of religious men immediately depend-
ing on the holy ſee, had every where erected his
ſtandard ; Philip was a prince who confeſſed his
moſt ſecret thoughts, or at leaſt was ſuppoſed
to confeſs them to one of thoſe monks ; in fine,
this confeſſor was ſummoned by the pope his ma-
ſter to come and give an account at Rome of the
conſcience of his penitent. And yet Philip did
not yield ; but ſeized on the temporalities of all
the abſent prelates. The ſtates of the kingdom
appealed to a future general council, and to a
future pope; a remedy which even betrayed
ſome weakneſs. For to appeal to the pope, was
acknowledging his authority: and what occaſion
have mankind for either council or pope, to know
that all governments are independent, and that we
ought to obey only the laws of our own country ?
'The pope immediately deprived all the eccleſi-
aſtical bodies of France of the right of election,
and the univerſities of the right of conferring de-
grees, and even of teaching, as if he revoked a
gift of his own granting. Theſe armies were
but weak; in vain did he want to ſtrengthen
Vol. II. D them |
1
b;
-
'
1
[
f
\
1
1
3
i
3
Y
50
1303.
Of Philip the Fair, Ch. liii.
them with the forces of the German empire :
A'bert of Auſtria was not ſufficiently powerful,
The French king was now at full liberty to
treat the pope as a prince with whom he was at
open war, Accordingly he joined with the fa-
mily of the Colonnas; and William de Nogaret
was ſent into Italy under plauſible pretences,
where he privately raiſed a few horſe, and gave
rendezvous to Sciarra Colonna. They ſurprized
Boniface at Anagni, and cried out, Let the pope
die, and the French live. But the pontif did not
loſe courage; he drefled himſelf in his cope, put
his tiara on his head, and holding the keys in
one hand, and the croſs in the other, he went
and preſented himſelf in a majeſtic manner be-
fore Colonna and Nogaret. I is ſaid, though
not for certain, that Colonna was ſo brutal as to
ſtrike him; The writers of that time mention,
that he cried out to him, “Tyrant, renounce
& forthwith the pontificate which thou diſho-
4 noureſt, as thou haſt obliged Celeſtin to re-
< nounce it.” The pope boldly replied, ** I am
ce pope, and I will die pope ; ” upon which the
French plundered his palace, and made them-
ſelves maſters of his treaſure, But after the com-
mitting of theſe outrages, which were more be-
coming a robber than a great king, the inhabitants
of Anagni perceiving the ſmall number of French,
and being aſhamed to leave their countryman and
their pope in the hands of foreigners, flew to their
arms, and drove away the French : as to Boni-
face, he went to Rome, meditating revenge, but
died ſoon after his arrival, | |
Philip
and Boniface VIII.
Philip the Fair purſued his enemy even into
the grave, by endeavouring to get his memory
condemned in a council. He preſſed Clement V,
a native of France, and who reſided in Avig-
non, to commence a proceſs in form againſt
Boniface. The cir was that he had en-
gaged his predeceſfor Celeſtin V. to reſign the
pontifical chair; that he had ſupplanted him by
unlawful methods; and murdered him in pri—
ſon. The laſt charge was but too true. One
of his domeſtics, named Maftredo, and thirteen
more, depoſed, that he had more than once
inſulted the religion which had made him ſo
powerful, by ſaying, Oh what a gainful thing the
fabulous flory of Chriſt has been to us! Conſe-
quently, that he denied the myſteries of the
Trinity, the Incarnation, and Tranſubſtantia-
tion. Theſe depoſitions are till extant in the
collection of judicial inquiries made on that
occaſion, The number of witneſſes generally
ſtrengthens a charge; but here they weaken it.
It is not in the leaſt probable, that a ſupreme
pontif would have uttered, in the preſence of
thirteen witneſſes, what one would hardly men-
tion to a ſingle perſon. Clement V was prudent
enough to find excuſes for putting off, from time
to time, an enquiry, which would have proved
extremely diſhonourable to the church, |
Some time afterwards all Europe and Aſia were
amazed at an event, which had alſo its ſource in
the vindictive ſpirit of Philip the Fair, |
D 2
' Of the puniſhment Ch. liv.
..
Of the puniſhment of the knights templars, and of
. the ſuppreſſion of this order.
N MONG the many cantradictions which
A are 'blended in the conſtitution of ſublu-
nary things, we may reckon it a very great
one, that there ſhould be ſuch an inftitution as
that of armed monks, who make a vow of liv-
ing at the fame time as anchorets and ſoldiers,
The knights templars were accuſed of uniti
all the odious qualities of theſe two profeſſions;
namely, the debauchery and cruelty of the ſol-
dier, and the inſatiable paſſion of gain, imputed
to thoſe great orders that have made a vow of
poverty.
While they, and the knights hoſpitallers of
St. John, taſted the fruits of their labour, the
Teutonic order, which had its riſe, as' well as
theirs, in the Holy Land, made themſelves ma-
ſters, in the thirteenth century, of Pruſſia, Li-
vonia, Courland, and Samogitia. The Teutonic
knights were accuſed of reducing the clergy, as
well as the peaſants, to a ſtate of ſlavery, of
ſtripping them of their property, of uſurping the
rights of biſhops, and of exerciſing the moſt hor-
rid acts of rapine and plunder : but their great
power and ſucceſs hindered any enquiry after
their conduct. The templars were grown the
obje& of envy, becauſe they lived among their
countrymen with all the ſplendor and pomp
attending opulence, and in ſuch lawleſs plea-
ſures
Cl
of the templars.
ſures as ſoldiers generally indulge themſelves in,
when unreſtrained by marriage.
The ſeverity of the taxes, together with the
male practices of Philip the Fair, in reſpect to
the coin, raiſed a ſedition in Paris, The templars 1306.
were accuſed of having had a ſhare in the mutiny;
and we have already ſeen that Philip was impla-
cable in his hatred. |
The firſt accuſers of this order were a burgher
of Beziers, named Squin de Florian, and Nofto
de Florentin, an apoſtate knight templar, who
were both at that time in confhnement for
different crimes. They inſiſted on being brought
before the king, to whom only they would
diſcover ſome affairs of the utmoit importance.
The king, on their depoſition, directed all the
bailiffs and officers of the kingdom to call in a
roper aid and aſſiſtance; and ſent them an order
ed, with prohibition, upon pain of death, not
to an it before the 13th of October. Upon
the day appointed, each of them opened the or- 1309.
der, which they found was to impriſon the knights
templars. Accordingly they were all arreſted;
and the king immediately cauſed all the eſtates of
thoſe knights to be ſeized upon, till they could
be properly diſpoſed of. |
It appears very plain, that the ruin of the
templars was reſolved upon long before this ſtep
was taken, Their accuſation and. impriſonment
was in 1309 ; but letters have been found from
Philip the Fair to the earl of Flanders, dated at
Melun 1306, in which he begs him to lend him
his affiſtance in extirpating thoſe knights,
The buſineſs now was to try this vaſt multitude
of criminals, At ——_ pope Clement V, a crea-
3 ture
531
54
Of the puniſhment Ch. liv.
ture of Philip, and who then reſided at Poitiers,
. joins with this prince, after having ſettled ſome
diſputes between them concerning the right which
the church had of judging religious orders, and
the king's right of puniſhing his ſubjects. The
pope himſelf examined ſeventy-two knights; the
reſt were proſecuted by inquiſitors, and commiſ-
ſaries appointed for that purpoſe. Bulls were
iſlued out to all the potentates of Europe, to ex-
cite them to imitate the example of France : the
were complied with in Caſtile, Arragon, Sicily,
and England; but theſe unfortunate people were
put to death no where except in France. The)
were accuſed by two hundred and one witneſſes
of denying Jeſus Chrift at their admittance into
the order, of ſpitting upon the croſs, and of wor-
iipping-a gilded head erected on a block with
four feet. The novice kiſſed the knight Who
had made.his vow of religion, and was received
by him with a kiſs at his mouth, his navel, and
in that part which ſeems the leaft deſigned for
this uſe; and then he ſwore to be directed en-
tirely by the confraternity. The informations pre-
ſerved down to our time, tell us that this was ac-
knowledged by ſeventy-two templars to the pope
himſelf, and by one hundred and forty-one of the
accuſed, to brother William, a Franciſcan friar,
and inquiſitor, in the city of Paris, before a
number of witneſſes. It is moreover mentioned,
that the grand-maſter of the order himſelf, the
rand-maſter of Cyprus, and the maſters of
ne, Poitou, Vienne, and Normandy, made
the ſame confeſſion to three cardinals deputed by
the pope. | | oy
What
of the templars. 55
What is beyond all doubt, is, that above one |
hundred knights were put to the moſt cruel tor-
ture; that ffty-nine were burnt in one day near
the abbey of St. Antoine in Paris, and that the 1372.
grand-maſter, John of Molay, and Guy, brother
of the dauphin of Auvergne, two of the principal
lords in Europe, the one by his dignity, and the
other by his birth, were committed alive to the
flames, on the very ſpot where now ſtands the
equeſtrian ftatue of king Henry IV. |
The public execution of ſuch a number of
perſons of diſtinction ; the multitude of witneſſes
who appeared againſt them, and the numerous
depoſitions even of the accuſed themſelves, ſeem
to be ſtrong proofs of their guilt, and to juſtify
the ſuppreſſion of this order.
But, on the other hand, there is a great deal
to be ſaid in their favour : and, in the firſt place,
moſt of thoſe witneſſes who had depoſed againſt
the templars, only bring a general charge. Se-
condly, very few pretend to ſay, that they denied
E Chriſt. For, after all, what could they get
y curling a religion that fed them, and in de-
fence of which they drew their ſwords. Thirdly,
though ſeveral of them who had been witneſſes,
and accomplices of the debauchery of princes
and eccleſiaſtics of thoſe days, might have ex-
preſſed ſome contempt for the abuſes of a reli-
gion ſo greatly diſhonoured in Aſia and in Eu-
rope; though they might have expreſſed their
minds when they were off their guard, in the
manner Boniface VIII is ſaid to have done; yet
this would have amounted to no more than an
indiſcretion of young people, for which the whole
order ſurely was not accountable, Fourthly, that
| 4 gilded
Of the puniſhment Ch. liv,
gilded head, which they worſhipped, and which
was preſerved at Marſeilles, ought to have been
produced at their trial: but there was not ſo much
as the leaſt pains taken to find it; and we muſt
acknowledge, that ſuch an accuſation confutes
Itſelf, Fifthly, the indecent manner in which
they are ſaid to have been admitted into the or-
der, could never have been eſtabliſhed among them
as a law, Whoever imagines that there are com-
munities which ſupport themſelves by immorali-
ty, and which eſtabliſh incontinency as a duty,
muſt have a very inadequate notion of man-
kind. It is in the nature of every ſociety to
defire reſpe& from thoſe who want to be initiated
as members of their body. I make no doubt,
but that ſeveral young templars gave themſelves
up to exceſſes, which youth in all ages have been
guilty of; and exceſſcs of that kind are better_
left in obſcurity than puniſhed: - Sixthly, though
ſuch a number of witneſſes fwore againſt the tem-
plars, yet there were a great many ſtrangers,
who depoſed in favour of the order. Seventhly,
if the accuſed were ſo overpowered by torments,
(which are apt to extract falſhood as well as truth
from the mouths of the tortured) as to confeſs ſuch
a multitude of crimes ; this confeſhon is perhaps no
leſs to the diſhonour of the judges than of the knights:
they had been promiſed a pardon, to induce them
to confeſs. Eighthly, the fifty - nine that were burnt
alive, called God to witneſs their innocence, and
would not accept of life on the terms offered
them; namely, that they ſhould acknowledge
themſelves guilty. Ninthly, ſeventy-four tem-
plars, who were not accuſed, undertook to defend
their order, but were refuſed a hearing.
| tne
of the temp/ars.
the confeſſion of the grand-maſter, which had.
been drawn'up before three cardinals, was read
to that old ſoldier, who could neither read nor
write, he cried out aloud that they had impoſed
- upon him ; that the depoſition in writing was
different from that which he had delivered by
word of mouth ; that the cardinals, who were the
authors of ſuch treacherous villany, deſerved to
be puniſhed. in the ſame, manner as the Turks
puniſh forgers, by ſplitting them in two. Ele-
venthly, the grand-maſter, and Guy, brother of
the dauphin of Auvergne, might have ſaved their
lives, if they would have publickly acknowledged
their guilt: they were burnt only becauſe when
ſollicited upon the ſcaffold, and in the' pre-
ſence of the people, to acknowledge the crimes
of their order, they made oath that the order
was innocent. This declaration provoked the
king, and was the cauſe of their being executed.
'Fhey died invoking the divine vengeance in vain
againſt their perſecutors.
Yet, in conſequence of the pope's bull, and
of their great eſtates, profecutions were carried
on againſt. the templars in all parts of Europe :
but in Germany they took care that no body
ſhould ſeize on their perſons. In their caftles in
Arragon they held out ſieges. At length the pope
aboliſhed the order by his ſole authority, in a
e conſiſtory, during the council of Vienne.
very body ſtrove to ſhare the ſpoils : the kings
of Caſtile and Arragon ſeized on part of their
eſtates, and part they gave to the knights of Ca-
latrava. Their lands in France, Italy, England,
and Germany, were given to the hoſpitallers, at
that time called the Knights of Rhodes, hecauſe
D 5. they
57
The revolution Ch. lv,
they had lately taken that iſland from the Turks,
and by their courage and conduct in defending
it, deſerved at leaſt the ſpoils of the templars for
' their reward.
Denis, king of Portugal, founded in their ſtead
the knights of Chriſt, an order inſtituted to fight
againſt the Moors, but which afterwards became
an empty honour; and of late has ceaſed even to
be an honour by being too common.
Philip the Fair ſeized on the eſtates of the tem-
plars to the value of two hundred thouſand livres,
and Lewis Hutin his ſon took to the amount of
ſixty thouſand, Dupuis, an impartial and exact
writer, ſays, that the pope did not forget himſelf
in this partition. We muſt now take a view of
another tranſaction that happened at the ſame
time, which does more honour to human nature,
and which gave riſe to an invincible republic.
LES SEEEEEEIEEEY
C. HAP. LV.
Of the revolution of Swiſſerland in the beginning
of the fourteenth century.
F all the countries in Europe, Swifferland
came neareſt to the ſimplicity and poverty
of the ancients, If it had not aſſerted its liberty, it
would have no place in the hiſtory of the world;
but would be confounded with ſo many other
provinces of greater fertility and riches, which
follow the fate of thoſe kingdoms to which they
are annexed, Objects that have not ſomething in
themlelyes baus abt, ſeldom attract our atten-
/ tien.
of Swiſſerland.
tion. A gloomy climate, a rocky and barren ſoil,
mountains, precipices, and poor inhabitants, long
famous for being more heavy and rude than their
neighbours, is all that nature has done for three
fourths of this country. And yet the ſovereignty
of theſe rocks was diſputed with as much fury,
as when ſuch multitudes of men were ſacrificed
for the kingdom of Naples, or for Aſia Minor.
During thoſe eighteen years of anarchy, in
which Germany was without an emperor, there
was a hard ſtruggle between the lords of caſtles
and ſeveral prelates, about who ſhould have a
ſmall portion of Swiſſerland. The ſmall towns
of this country wanted to be free, as the cities
of Italy, under the proteCtion of the empire.
When Rodolph of Auſtria was elected to the
Imperial dignity, ſome of thoſe lords of caſtles
juridically accuſed the cantons of Schweitz, Uri,
and Underwald, of having withdrawn themſelves
from their feudal ſubjection. Rodolph, who had
formerly fought againſt thoſe petty tyrants, de--
termined in favour of the citizens.
Upon the acceflion of Albert his ſon to the
Imperial throne, he wanted to erect Swiſſerland
into a principality for one of his children. Part
of this country was his own demeſne, as Lu-
cern, Zurich, and Glaris; and tyrannical go-
vernors were ſent among them, who abuſed their
power.
The founders of the Helvetian liberty were
Arnold of Melchtal (from a valley ſo called in
the canton of Underwald) Werner Stauffacher,
and Walther Furſt of Uri. The difficulty of
pronouncing thoſe reſpectable names, has hindered
their fame with poſterity. Theſe three peaſants
D 6. were
|
|
|
|
|
The revolution Ch. lv.
were the firſt conſpirators ; each of them brought
three more into the plot ; and theſe nine men
prevailed on the three cantons of Schweitz, Uri,
and Underwald, to join them. |
All hiſtorians mention, that while this conſpiracy
was ripening, a governor of Uri, whoſe name was
Griſler, deviſed a very ridiculous, and at the ſame
time deteſtable act of tyranny : he cauſed, they ſay,
his cap to be put upon a pole in the public mar-
ket-place, with an injunction, upon pain of death,
to every one that paſſed by, to pay reſpect to it,
One of the conſpirators, named William Tell,
refuſed to pay this compliment: the e
condemned him to be hanged, but granted him his
pardon on condition that the criminal, who was
reckoned an excellent marſkman, ſhould ſhoot an
arrow at an apple placed upon his own ſon's head.
The fatber trembling let fly his arrow, and had the
luck to hit the apple. Grifler perceiving a ſe-
cond arrow under Tell's coat, aſked him what
he intended to do with it; it was deſigned for thee,
ſaid the Swiſs in a rage, i I had killed my ſon.
We muſt allow that this ſtory of the apple is
very ſuſpicious. It ſeems as if mer Hog it
their duty to deck the cradle of the Helvetic re-
public with fabulous embelliſhments : this how-
ever is mentioned as a certain fact, that Tell
having been Jaid in irons, killed the governor af-
terwards with an arrow; that this was the ſignal
for the' conſpirators; and that the people imme-
diately roſe up-in arms, and demoliſhed the for-
treſſes. a
The emperor Albert of Auſtria, who would
ſain have puniſhed theſe free people, was prevent-
ed by death. Leopold duke of AdRria, the os
* . 1 L 4 5 W 0
of Swiſerland.
who ſo baſely violated the laws of hoſpitality, in
regard to Richard Coeur de lion, marched againſt
them with an army of 20,000 men : the people
of Swiſlerland behaved on this occaſion, juſt as
the Lacedzmonians formerly had done at the
Streights of Thermopylæ. A ſmall body of four
or five hundred men waited for the Auſtrian army 1315.
at the paſs of Morgate : but they were more for-
tunate than the Lacedzmonians; for they put the
enemy to flight, only by rolling great ſtones down
upon them. The other detachments of Leopold's
army were beaten at the ſame time by as ſmall
a number of Swiſs, |
As this victory was obtained in the canton of
Schweitz, the other two cantons gave this name
to their confederacy, which becoming more ge-
neral, reminds them, by the very name, of the
victory to which they were indebted for their li-
berg, | Bac
he other cantons by degrees joined in the
confederacy. That of Berne, which now
has the ſame weight in Swiſſerland, as Amſter-
dam has in Holland, did not enter into the alli-
ance till 1352 ; and it was'npt till the year 1513
that the little country of Appenzel joined the
other cantons; which completed the number thir=-
teen,
Never did any nation fight longer and braver
for their liberty than the Swiſs: they have gained
it by ſixty pitched battles with the Auſtrians ; and
in all probability they will preſerve it many ages.
Every country that is not of a great extent, that
does not abound in wealth, and is governed by
mild laws, ought to be free. The new govern-
ment in Swiſſerland has changed even the face of
nature.
:
. :
*
: I
; N
|
|
9
i
|
62
The revolution of Swiſſerland, Ch. lv.
nature. The ſtony ſoil, which had lain fallow
under their oppreflive maſters, has been at length
manured. The. vine is now planted on their
rocks. The heaths, which have been plowed
ſince they have recovered their freedom, are grown
fruitful lands, TE 7
Equality, the natural right of mankind, ſtill
ſubſiſts in Swiſſerland, as much as poſſible. This
country, in ſhort, would deſerve to be called
happy, if religion had not divided thoſe citizens,
whom the love of the public good had before
united; and if while they ſold their valour to
princes more rich than themſelves, they had al-
ways preſerved that incorrupt integrity for which
their nation is diſtinguiſhed. |
In all governments whatever there are times
wherein the people are tranſported beyond their
uſual bounds. Theſe times have been leſs fre-
quent in Swiſſerland than in other countries.
Simplicity, frugality, modeſty, thoſe nurſes of
liberty, have been ever their conſtant charac-
teriſtic, They have maintained no armies to
defend their frontiers, or to invade their neigh-
bours; they have built no citadels to defy. their
enemies, or to. bridle their fellow-citizens ; they
have laid no taxes on the public. They are nei-
ther obliged to pay for luxury, nor for the troops
of a lord and maſter. Their mountains are their
bulwark ; and every citizen is a ſoldier in the
defence of his country. |
CHAP;
The ſtate of the empire, &c.
CHAP. LVI.
The flate of the Empire, Italy, and the Popedom,
in the fourteenth century, continued.
AVING entered upon the fourteenth centu-
ry, we may obſerve, that for theſe ſix hundred
years, Rome, though weak and. diſtreſſed, was
ſill a place of the greateſt importance in Eu-
rope, It extended its ſway as the center of re-
ligion, at the very time that it was fallen into
anarchy and contempt; and notwithſtanding its
abject condition, and the diforders with which
it was afflited, neither the emperors could
fix their throne in that capital, nor the pon-
tifs make themſelves abſolute. Since the reign
of Frederic II there had been four ſuccefſive em-
perors, who had forgot Italy intirely ; viz. Con-
rad IV, Rodolph I, Adolph of Naſſau, and Al-
bert of Auſtria, Then it was that the ſeveral
Cities in Italy recovered their natural rights, and
ſet up the ſtandard of liberty. Genoa and Piſa
began to rival Venice; and Florence roſe to be
a famous republic. Bologna, at that time, was
ſubject neither to the emperor, nor to the Pope.
The municipal form of government obtained
throughout the country; but eſpecially at Rome.
Clement V, who was called the Gaſcoon Pope,
choſe rather to remove the holy ſee out of
Italy, and to enjoy in France the benefit of the
contributions that were paid by all the faith-
ful, than to diſpute to no purpoſe about towns
and villages in the neighbourhood of Howe:
Po TO 127 t TOWD092 Wl 4. 0b oth
64
The late of the empire, &c. Ch. vi.
1312. He therefore removed his court to the frontiers
of France; and this is what the Romans to this
very day call the captivity of Babylon. Cle-
ment went from Lyons to 3 in Dauphine,
and thence to Avignon, carrying with him the
counteſs of Perigord, and drawing all the money
ys poſſibly could from the devotion of the faith-
ful. |
How comes it that the Italians, at this junc-
ture, when neither the emperor, nor the pope any
longer reſided in their country, did not follow the
example of the Germans, who, notwithſtanding
the preſence of the emperors, have, from age
to age, eſtabliſhed a limitation of the ſupreme
power, and their own independence? As there
were neither popes nor emperors in Italy, who
then was it that forged new chains for this
charming country ? —— Their own diviſions,
The Guelph and Gibelline factions, which
aroſe from the diſputes between the prieſt-
hood and the empire, ſtill continued, like a fire
that is fed by conſtant fuel. Diſcord reigned on.
every fide. Italy was not moulded into one
body like Germany. In ſhort, the firſt enterpriz-
ing prince that pleaſed to repaſs the Alps, might
revive the rights and pretenſions of the Charle-
maigns and the Othos. This was the caſe at length
of Henry VII, of the houſe of Luxemburg, in 1311.
He marched into Italy with a German army,
which proclaimed his authority. The. Guelphs
looked upon this as a new irruption of Barba-
rians ; but the Gibellines favoured his under-
takings. He ſubdued all the towns of Lombardy,
and made a new conqueſt of that country. At
PR length
in the fourteenth century.
length he marched to Rome, to receive the Im-
perial crown. | |
In vain did Rome, who wanted neither em-
peror nor pope, and yet who could never ſhake
off the yoke of either, endeavour to ſhut her
gates. The Urſis, though joined by the brother 1323:
of Robert, king of Naples, were unable to hin-
der the emperor from entering with ſword in
hand, aſſiſted by the Colonnas. They fought a
long time in the ſtreets, and a biſhop of Liege
was ſlain by the emperor's ſide, There was a
great deal of bloodſhed for this ceremony of the
coronation, which was afterwards performed b
three cardinals inſtead of the pope. We mu
not omit obſerving, that the emperor proteſted
before a notary, that the oath he took at his con-
Tecration, was not an oath of allegiance.
Henry being now maſter, appointed a governor
of Rome; and he alſo ordained, that all the ci-
ties, and princes of Italy, ſhould. pay an annual
tribute to him. In this order he comprized the
kingdom of Naples, at that time a diſtinct go-
vernment from Sicily; and he ſummoned the
king of Naples to appear before him. F
The pope was lord paramount of Naples,
and the emperor ſtiled himſelf lord para-
mount of the pope; a ſtrange ſort of rights on
all ſides !
The emperor was going to make good his 1413.
pretenſions to the kingdom of Naples by force
of arms, when he died, as it is pretended, by
poiſon, which a Dominican friar is ſaid to have
mixed in the conſecrated wafer.
The emperors at that time received the holy
communion in both kinds, as canons of St. John
| Lateran.
- <> = I ad” — — — — — — —— —— — — v — . eee ES ¶ñÜ0 —˙.[r IES
— —— — EEG
r
e r
- SENSED —
— .œë—ͤgM. — — —
The ſtate of the empire, &c. Ch. lv
Lateran. They might perform the office of dea-
cons when the pope ſaid maſs; and the kings of
France might officiate as ſubdeacons.
There are no juridical proofs that Henry VII
died by this ſacrilegious poiſoning. Friar Bernard
Politianus, of Montepulciano, was accuſed of it:
but thirty years after, the Dominicans obtained
letters-patent from John king of Bohemia, ſon
of Henry VII, by which they were declared in-
nocent. It is a melancholy circumſtance to have
had need of thoſe letters. |
As in the elections of the popes there was
very little order at that time, in like manner
thoſe of the emperors were very irregular, They
had not yet thought on prudent laws for the pre-
vention of ſchiſms.
Lewis of Bavaria, and Frederic the Hand-
ſome, duke of Auſtria, were elected at the ſame
time in the heat of violence and faction. No-
thing but the ſword could determine a point,
which ſhould have been previquſly adjuſted by a
regular diet of electors. At length the Bavarian
ained the crown by a battle, in which the Au-
firian was defeated and taken priſoner, _
The reigning pope at that time was John XXII,
who had been elected at Lyons in 1316. Lyons
looked upon itſelf then as a free city, but
the biſhop wanted to be maſter of it, and the
| kings of France had not as yet been able to bring
[| the biſhop into ſubjection. Scarce had Philip the
1: Long been crowned king of France, when he aſ-
1 ſembled the cardinals in this free city; and after
| having ſworn that he would uſe no violence to-
| wards them, he ſhut them all up, nor did he re-
leaſe them till they had nominated John .
is
gt Bs at.
o 9 * .
in the fourteenth century:
This pope is alſo a ſtrong inſtance of the regard
paid to merit in the church, And ſurely he
muſt have had a vaſt ſhare, to be able to riſe
from the profeſſion of a cobler to the firſt dignity
in the Chriſtian world,
He may be ranked among thoſe pontifs, whoſe
pride has been equal to the obſcurity of their
birth. We have already obſerved, that the pon-
tical court ſubſiſted intirely by the contributions
of the faithful. This was a more valuable fund
than the lands of the counteſs Matilda. When
I mention the merit of John XXII. I do not
mean his dilintereſtedneſs. He was even more
eager than any of his predeceſſors, in exacting
not only the St. Peter's pence, which was paid
very regularly by England, but likewiſe the con-
tributions of Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and
Poland. He uſed to ſollicit with ſuch earneſt-
neſs, that he always got ſomething. But to
live at Lyons, and to have little or no authority in
Italy, was as if he were not pope, © -
While he refided in France, and Lewis of
Bavaria was ſtrengthening himſelf in Germany,
both the emperor and he were loſing ground in
Italy, The Viſcontis had begun to eſtabliſh them-
ſelves in Milan: the emperor Lewis finding
himſelf unable to cruſh them, pretended to grant
them his protection, and to make them his lieu-
tenants. They were Gibellines, and as ſuch
they ſeized on part of thoſe lands of the coun-
teſs Matilda, which had been a perpetual ſubject
of diſcord. John made the inquiſition — 146]
them heretics, As he reſided in France, he
could run no riſk in publiſhing one of thoſe
bulls, which give and take away empires. Ac-
cordingly
68
The ate of the empire, &c. Ch. lvi.
cordingly he depoſed Lewis of Bavaria in his own
fancy, depriving him, as the terms of the bull
expreſs it, of all his moveable and immoveable goods.
The emperor marched with all expedition into
1327, Italy, where the pope durſt not appear : he ar-
rived at Rome, the tranſient reſidence of the em-
perors, in company with Caſtracani *, the tyrant
of Lucca, and Machiavel's heroe.
Ludovico Monaldeſco, a native of Orvieto,
who wrote the memoirs of his own time at the
age of a hundred and fifteen, ſays that he remem-
bers very well this public entry of the emperor
Lewis of Bavaria. The people with loud accla-
12328. mations ſaid : Praiſe be to God and to the emperor 3
we are delivered from war, famine, and the pope.
This paſſage merits to be quoted, only as it is
from an author who wrote at the age of a hundred
and fif teen.
* Caftruccio Caftracani, one of the moſt celebrated captains
of his age, lived in the 14th century. He was born at Lucca,
of the family of Antelminelli ; and having borne arms very
early in life in. favour of the Gibellines, was baniſhed by
the Guelfs, He retired into Frante, and entered into the ſer-
vice of king Philip the Long, who was at war with the Flem-
ings ; but returning ſoon after to Italy, he joined Uguccione
Faggivola, chief of the Gibellines in Tuſcany, and made him-
ſelf maſter of Lucca, Piſtoia, and other cities, He entered into
an alliance with the emperor Lewis of Bavaria, againſt pope
John XXII. Robert king of Naples, and the Florentines Lewis
of Bavaria granted him the inveſtiture of Lucca, with the title
of duke, and ſenator of Rome, Cardinal John Cajetan Orfini,
at that time legate in Italy, endeavoured to ſeize on Caſtracani,
but unable to compaſs his deſign, he excommunicated him in
1326. This only made matters worſe ; and the troubles
did not end till the death of the tyrant of Lucca, which hap-
pened in 1330 at the age of 47. Machiavel wrote his life,
which is among this author's works: it was alſo written in a
much better manner by Aldus Manutius; but the latter is very
fcarce, See Villan, Sab.
Lewis
in the fourteenth century.
Lewis of Bavaria convoked a general aſſem-
bly at Rome, like thoſe ancient parliaments of
Charlemaign and his ſons. This was held
in the piazza of St. Peter : German and Italian
princes, with the deputies of towns, bifhops,
abbots, and monks, aſſiſted there in great num-
ber. The emperor ſeated on a throne, above the
ſteps that led to the church, with the crown on
his head, and a golden ſcepter in his hand, or-
dered an Auſtin friar to cry out three times, “Is
* there any man willing to defend the cauſe
& of the prieſt of Cahors, who calls himſelf
« pope John?“ No body appearing, Lewis pro- 1928,
nounced ſentence, by which he deprived the pope
of all eccleſiaſtical benefices, and delivered him
up as an heretic into the hands of the ſecular
power. Thus to condemn a ſupreme pontif to
death, was the higheſt extravagance, that the *
quarrel between the priefthood and the empire
could poſſibly produce. |
Some days after, the emperor with the ſame
ceremony and farce created a new pope, who was
a Neapolitan, and a Franciſcan friar : he inveſt-
ell him with the ring, put the cope round his
ſhoulders, and made him fit down by his ſide un-
der the canopy ;* but he took care not to conform
to the cuſtom of kiſſing the pope's feet.
Among all the religious orders, the Cordeliers
at that time made the greateſt noiſe. Some of
them had pretended that perfection conſiſted in
wearing a capuche or cowl ſharp-pointed, and a
very cloſe habit. To this reform of dreſs they
added another ingredient of perfection, namely,
that they had no manner of property _ in
their
*
70
1318.
The ſtate of the empire, &c. Ch. lvi.
their meat or drink. The pope had condemned
theſe propoſitions ; a ſtep which greatly ſhocked
the reformers. At length the quarrel growing
ſerious, the inquiſitors of Marſeilles put four of
thoſe wretched friars to death.
The Cordelier, who had been nominated pope
by the emperor, was of their party; this was
reaſon enough that John ſhould be an heretic.
It was this pope's fate to be ſuſpected of he-
reſy : for ſome time after, happening to preach
that the bleſſed would not enjoy the beatific vi-
ſion till the laſt judgment, and that in the mean
time they had an imperfect viſion; theſe two
viſions divided the whole church, and John at
laſt thought proper to retract.
And yet all this parade of Lewis of Bavaria at
Rome was attended with no other conſequence
than the efforts of the other German Cæſars.
The troubles of Germany called them home,
and they miſſed their aim in Italy, |
Lewis of Bavaria was far from being a pow-
erful prince: hence it is no wonder that after his
return to Germany, he could not hinder his pope
from being taken priſoner by John XXII's par-
tiſans, — carried to Avignon, where he was
confined. In a word, ſuch was the difference at
that time between an emperor and a pope, that
Lewis of Bavaria, though a prudent prince, died
very poor in his own country; while the pope,
who lived at a diſtance from Rome, and drew
very little from Italy, left when he died at A-
vignon, if we will believe Villani, to the a-
tz mount of five and twenty millions of florins.
Villani certainly exaggerates: even if this ſum
Villani
%”
e
Wo 2
» |
1
in the fourteenth century.
were reduced one third, {till it would be a great
deal. Indeed the popedom never was worth
ſo much to any other perſon ; but never did any
other pope ſet up ſuch a multitude of benefices
to ſale, nor at ſo high a price.
He had claimed the reſervation of all prebends,
of moſt biſhopricks, and the revenue of all va-
cant benefices, By the art of reſerving he had
found out the method of anticipating almoſt
every election, and of conferring every benefice,
Beſides, he never nominated a biſhop, but he
removed ſeven or eight. Each promotion brought
on another, and they were all productive of
money. The taxes for diſpenſations and fins, |
were invented and digeſted in his time, The
code of theſe taxes has been printed ſeveral times
ſince the ſixteenth century, with an intent of
expoſing moſt ſhocking abuſes, which the church
indeed has ever condemned, and with ſome
difficulty aboliſhed. The popes his ſucceſſors
continued at Avignon till the year 1371. This
city did not belong to them, but to the counts
of Provence ; the popes however found means
inſenſibly to make themſelves uſufructuary maſ-
ters of it, while the counts of Provence were
diſputing about the kingdom of Naples.
The unhappy queen Joan, whoſe hiſtory we
are about to relate, thought herſelf very fortu-
nate in 1348, in ceding Avignon to pope Cle-
ment VI. for eighty thouſand florins, which he
never paid. Here the popes kept their court in
quiet, diffuſing plenty through Provence and Dau-
phine, and forgetting their tempeſtuous reſidence
at Rome, |
b | Ever
71
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-
72 The ſtate of the empire, &c. Ch. lvi.
Ever ſince the reign of Charlemaign, the Ro-
mans had conſtantly preſerved the ideas of
their ancient grandeur and liberty. We have
obſerved that one time they chole ſeveral ſena-
tors, another time but one, or elſe a patrician, a
overnor, or a conſul, and ſometimes a tribune.
hen they found that the pope had made a
purchaſe of Avignon, they thought once more
of reſtoring their republic, With this view they
conferred the tribuneſhip on a private citizen,
whoſe name was Nicholas Rienzi, vulgarly
called Cola, a man of a fanatic turn, but now
grown ambitious, and conſequently capable of
great enterprizes. He took the reins of go-
vernment into his hands, and the Romans had
high expectations from their new magiſtrate.
It is of him that Petrarch ſpeaks in the moſt
beautiful of all his odes or canzoni, where he
deſcribes Rome, with diſheveled hair, her eyes
bedewed with tears, and imploring the aſſiſtance
of Rienzi. |
Con gli occhi di dolor bagnati e molli
Ti chier merce da tutti ſette i colli.
This tribune aſſumed the title of the ſevere
and clement deliverer of Rome, the zealous defender
F Italy, and the lover of mankind, He declared
that the people of Italy were all free, and
citizens of Rome. But theſe convulſions of a
long expiring liberty, had no more effect than |
the pretenſions of the emperors to Rome. This c
tribuneſhip was as ſhort-lived, as the ſenate and
conſulate which had been reſtored to no pur- r
poſe, Rienzi having begun like the Gracchi, 8
made
Of Jean, queen of Naples,
made the like end: he was aſſaſſinated by a
faction of the patrician families,
Rome was in danger of being ruined by the
abſence of the papal court, by the troubles of
Italy, the barrenneſs of its territory, and by
the removal of its manufactures to Genoa, Piſa,
Venice, and Florence. Its only ſupport at that
time was the reſort of pilgrims. The grand ju-
bilee, which Boniface VIII. appointed to be held
at the beginning of every century, and was af-
terwards ſhortened by Clement VI. to every fif-
tieth year, uſed to attract ſuch ſwarms, that in
1350 they reckoned two hundred thouſand
ſtrangers in that capital, Thus Rome without
either pope or emperor was a feeble ſtate, and yet
the metropolis of Chriſtendom.
RG BEER ND eg
CHA F. qa
Of Foan, queen of Naples.
V E have already mentioned that the holy ſee
had purchaſed Avignon of Joan of Anjou
and Provence. Princes rarely diſpoſe of their
dominions, without having met with misfor-
tunes, The cataſtrophe of this queen is con-
nected with the ſeveral tranſactions of that time,
but eſpecially with the 2 ſchiſm of the Weſt,
which we ſhall preſently have under our conſi-
deration.
Naples and Sicily were ſtill governed by fo-
reigners; Naples by the houſe of France, and
Sicily by that of Arragon. Robert who died in
Vol. II. E I 343,
14
Of Joan, Chap. Ivii,
1343, had rendered Naples a flouriſhing king-
dom. His nephew Lewis of Anjou was elected
king of Hungary. Thus the houſe of France
extended its branches on all ſides: but thoſe
branches being neither united with the ſtock, nor
among, themſelves, proved all unfortunate. Ro-
bert king of Naples, before he died, had married
Joan his grand-daughter and heir, to Andrew
brother of the king of Hungary. This marriage,
whieh was expected to cement the happineſs of the
family, proved the fource of its misfortunes, Andrew
pretended to govern of his own authority. Joan,
young as ſhe was, would not conſent to his being
more than the queen's conſort, Andrew was go-
verned by a Franciſcan friar, named brother Ro-
bert, who blew the coals of diſcord between the
huſband and wife. The queen had a court of
Neapolitans, Andrew another of Hungarians, who
were looked upon as barbarians by the natives
of the country; a circumſtance which ſtrength-
ened their antipathy. Lewis, prince of Taren-
tum, and of the blood royal, who afterwards
married the queen, entered into a conſpiracy with
other princes of the blood, with the favourites of
that princeſs, and with the famous Cataneſe ®, who
was ſtrongly attached to her miſtreſs, to murder
| Andrew
* The hiftory of this famous woman deſerves a more parti-
eular notice. Robert king of Naples had by his wife Violante
ef Arragon, two ſons, Charles duke of Calabria, father of
Joan I. and Lewis born at Catania. A nurſe being wanted for
the latter; none could be had but a poor woman, named Phi-
lippina, of the ſame town,. who lived by waſhing of linnen ;
wy her huſband was a fiſherman, She was young and hand-
ſome, and as ſhe had had the narfing of Lewis, his mother
Violante grew extremely fond of her, But the queen dying ſoon
after, Philippina was left without protection or ſupport. —
Ls
queen of Naples. 73
Andrew. They ſtrangled him in the city of 1346.
Averſa in his wife's antichamber, almoſt in her
preſence; and flung him out of the window,
His body lay three days unburied. Within a
year the queen marries the prince of Tarentum,
whom the public voice accuſed of the murder,
What ſtrong reaſons to believe her guilty ! they
who attempt to juſtify her, alledge that ſhe had
four huſbands, and that a queen ſo ready to ſub-
mit to the yoke of matrimony, ought not to be
ſuſpected of ſuch heinous crimes as are the off-
ſpring of lawleſs love. But is love the only
this ſituation however ſhe did not continue long : for Charles
the elder brother of her foſter child, having married Sanchetta,
daughter of the king of Majorca ; Philippina, whom Violante had
recommended to king Robert, inſinuated herſelf ſo ſtrongly into
the good graces of Sanchetta, that this princeſs embraced every
opportunity to raiſe her fortune, Philippina happened to bury her
huſband, and Raymond de Chabannes, the king's head cook, hav-
ing taken a young Moor into his'ſervice, had him chriſtened after
his own name, and reſigned his employment to him ſome time
after, This Moor ingratiated himſelf with the king and the
duke his ſon, was made keeper 6f the wardrobe, acquired a
great eſtate, and married Philippina, at the defire of the du-
cheſs of Calabria, Upon the birth of Joan, Philippina wag
named governeſs to the young princeſs, Her huſband Ray-
mond the Moor was appointed ſteward of the houſhold, and
great ſeneſchal of Naples, in which poſt he died not long
after. As ſoon as king Robert had declared his grand-daughter
Joan his heir, Philippina made uſe of every wile and artifice, to
gain an abſolute aſcendant over the mind of her miſtreſs, who
by the advice of this woman ſtrangled her huſband. It is even
believed that Philippina committed the very fact herſelſ; and
that her ſon the count of Evoli, and great ſeneſchal, hurried
ber on to it, that he might have leſs interruption in his amours
with queen Joan, But as moſt of the nobility of the kingdom
pitched upon Hugh of Beaux, prince of Orange, to inquire into
and to puniſh the murderers, the Cataneſe was racked to death,
her daughter Sanchetta was burnt alive, her ſon Robert re-
ceived the ſame ſentence, but was pulled out of. the fire half
dead, dragged: through the city, and cut in pieces, See Giannone
hiſt, of Naples,
ts E 2 cauſe
f
Of Foan, Chap. lvii.
cauſe of ſuch crimes ? Joan conſented to the
murder of her huſband through weakne(s ; and
ſhe was afterwards thrice married, in conſequence
of another weakneſs, ſtill more excuſable, the
incapacity of reigning alone.
Lewis of Hungary wrote to Joan, that he would
revenge the death of his brother Andrew upon her
and her accomplices. - Accordingly he marched an
army towards Naples through the Venetian and
eccleſiaſtic territories, and publickly impeached
Joan at Rome before the tribune Cola Rienzi,
who during his ſhort and ridiculous adminiſtra-
1347.
tion beheld kings at his tribunal, like the ancient
Romans, Rienzi was afraid to paſs ſentence,
and in this alone he ſhewed his prudence,
In the mean while Lewis advanced towards
Naples, with a black ſtandard, on which was
repreſented the murder of the king, He ſtruck
off the head of Charles of Durazzo, a prince of
the blood, who had been acceſſary to the mur-
der, He purſued queen Joan, who fled with
her ſecond huſband, to her territories in Pro-
vence. But what is very extraordinary, ambition
had no ſhare in Andrew's revenge. He might have
made himſelf maſter of the kingdom ; but he did
not chuſe it. Such examples of moderation are
very rare. He was a prince of moſt ſtrict virtue,
on which account he was afterwards elected king
of Poland. We ſhall ſpeak of him further, whcn
we come to treat in particular of Hungary.
Joan thus puniſhed before ſhe was 3
years old, for a crime which involved her people
in as much miſery as herſelf, abandoned alſo
by the Neapolitans and the Provencals, re-
aired to Clement VI. in Avignon, of
: my : which
queen of Naples.
77
which place ſhe was ſovereign : ſhe reſigned 1318.
both the town and territory to him for eighty
thouſand florins, which were never paid. While
this contract was negotiating, ſhe pleaded her
cauſe in perſon before the conſiſtory, who declared
her innocent. Clement VI. in order to prevail
on the king of Hungary to retire from Naples,
promiſes that Joan ſhall pay him three hundred
thouſand florins. Lewis replies, that he was not
come to ſell his brother's blood, but that as he
had partly taken his revenge, he was ſatisfied,
and would return to his country. Never did the
ſpirit of chivalry, which prevailed in thoſe days,
produce a ſtronger inſtance of rigour, and gene-
rolity, |
The queen having been expelled from her
kingdom by her brother-in-law, and reſtorcd
by the pope, loſt her ſecond huſband, and for
ſome years remained a widow. She marricd
afterwards a prince of Arragon, who died in a
very ſhort time. At length at the age of ſix 1;-
and forty, ſhe was married again to a younger
brother of the houſe of Brunſwick, named Otho.
This was rather chuſing a huſband to pleaſe her
fancy, than a prince to defend her dominions.
The next heir to the crown was another Charles
of Durazzo her couſin, the only iſſue remain-
ing of the firſt houſe of Anjou at Naples: theſe
princes bore that name, becauſe the town of
Durazzo, which they had conquered from the
Greeks, and which was afterwards wreſted from
them by the Venetians, had been once their
appanage. She acknowledged this Durazzo as
er next heir, and even adopted him ſor her
lon. This adoption, 2 the great ſchiſm of the
3 Weſt,
oe on
—
1
|;
N
4
x
|
1
: 1
78 Of Joan, Chap. lvii.
Weſt, haſtened the death of that unfortunate
princeſs.
'The unhappy conſequences of this ſchiſm, of
which we ſhall preſently give a particular ac-
count, had already begun to appear. Brigano,
who took the name of Urban VI. and the count
of Geneva, who was called Clement VII. dif-
puted the pontifical tiara with the utmoſt fury,
All Europe was divided in the quarrel. Joan
ſided with Clement, who reſided at Avignon.
Durazzo impatient to reign before the natural
death of his adoptive mother, took the part of
Urban,
133. Thispopecrowrs Durazzo in Rome, on con-
dition that his nephew Brigano ſhall have the
principality of Capua. He excommunicates and
depoſes queen Joan; and in order to ſecure the
principality of Capua in his family, he gives
away all the church lands to the principal fami-
lies of the kingdom.
Urban accompanies Durazzo in his march
to Naples. The church plate was employed in
railing an army. The queen could receive no
ſuccours from Clement, whom ſhe had recognized
as pope, nor from her new huſband. She had
hardly any troops at all. In this fituation ſhe
calls in to her aſſiſtance a brother of Charles V.
king of France, who bore alſo the name of
Anjou, and adopts him inſtead of the ungrateful
urazzo. |
Lewis of Anjou, the new heir to Joan, ar-
rives too late to defend his benefactreſs, or to
maintain his right to a kingdom which had been
tettled upon him.
The
1 +
queen of Naples.
The choice which the queen made of this
prince, eſtranged the minds of her ſubjects; who
were afraid of more foreigners. The pope and
Charles of Durazzo were advancing: when Otho
of Brunſwick aſſembled a few troops in a hurry ;
þut was defcated and made priſoner.
Durazzo enters Naples : the queen had ſent
for fix galleys from her county of Provence,
which were at anchor under the _ dell ou ,
but could be of no uſe to her. It was all too
late: there was no poſſibility of eſcaping; ſo ſhe
fell into the hands of the uſurper. This prince
to colour his barbarity, declares himſelf the a-
venger of Andrew's death. He conſults Lewis
of Hungary, who ſtill inexorable, makes anſwer
that the queen ought to ſuffer the ſame death as her
farſt huſband : upon which Durazzo orders her
to be ſmothered between two mattreſſes. Thus
1-32,
we find by the hiſtory of all countries, that one
crime'is puniſhed by another.
Poſterity, which is ever impartial, when it
comes at the truth, laments the fate of this
queen, becauſe the murder of her firſt huſband
was rather the effe& of weakneſs than prepenſe
malice, for ſhe was only eighteen years old,
when the gave her conſent to that horrid deed :
and after that time ſhe could never be charged
with debauchery, cruelty, or injuſtice. But it is
the people we ought to pity : they were the ſuffer-
ers during thoſe diſturbances. Lewis duke of
Anjou, carried off the treaſures of his brother
king Charles V. and impoveriſhed France, in at-
tempting to revenge the death of queen Joan,
* The Egg caſtle,
E 4
and
Of the emperor Chap. lviii.
and to recover his inheritance. He died not long
after in Apulia without ſucceſs or glory, without
friends or money.
The kingdom of Naples had begun to emerge
from barbariſm under king Robert, but was now
plunged into it again by all thefe calamities,
which were further heightened by the grand
ſchiſm. Before we take a view of this grand
\ diſpute in the church, which was ſettled at length
1356.
The
golden
Bull.
dy the emperor Sigiſmond, let us ſee what form
the empire had aſſumed at that time.
CCC
CHAP, LVIII.
Of ihe emperor Charles IV. and the return of the
oly ſee from Avignon to Rome. |
HE empire of Germany (for in the con-
| fuſion and troubles, which diſtinguiſhed the
latter part of the reign of Lewis of Bavaria, it
was no longer the Roman empire) aſſumed a more
ſettled form of government under Charles IV. of
the houſe of Luxemburg, king of Bohemia and
grandſon of Henry VII. He publiſhed at Nu-
remberg that famous conſtitution, called the golden
bull, becauſe of the golden ' ſeal, which had the
name of bulla in the ages of baſe latinity. The
ſtile of this charter ſtill partakes of the ſpirit of
the times. It begins with an apoſtrophe to pride,
ſatan, anger, and luſt. It ſays that the number
of ſeven electots is neceſſary to oppoſe the ſeven
deadly fins, It takes notice of the fall of angels,
of terreſtrial paradiſe, of Pompey, and 9
; t
Charles IV. &c.
It affirms poſitively, that Germany is founded
on the three theological virtues, as alſo on the
trinity.
This law of the empire was made in the pre-
ſence and with the conſent of all the princes,
biſhops, abbots, and even deputies of the Imperial
cities, who for the firſt time aſſiſted at this aſſembly
of the Teutonic nation. Theſe privileges of ci-
ties, the natural effect of liberty, began to revive:
in Italy, were afterwards introduced in England
and France, and at length were eſtabliſhed in Ger-
many. The number of electors, as is well known,
was then fixed to ſeven. The archbiſhops of
Mentz, Cologne, and Triers, had been long in
poſſeſſion of the right of electing the emperor,
and therefore would not ſuffer any other biſhops,
though equal in power to themſelves, to come in
for a ſhare of this honour. But how happened
it that the dutchy of Bavaria was not ranked
among the electorates? And why ſhould Bohe-
mia, originally a diſtinct ſtate from Germany,
and which by the golden bull has no concern
in the deliberations of the empire, have yet a
right of ſuffrage in the election? The reaſon is
obvious: Charles IV. was king of Bohemia; and
Lewis of Bavaria had been his enemy,
But never did the Imperial dignity, which of it-
ſelf conferred no real power at that time, appear
with greater ſplendor. The three eccleſiaſtic
electors, all three archchancellors, were preſent
with the ſeals of the empire. Mentz cat ried thoſe
of Germany, Cologne thoſe of Italy, and Triers
thoſe of Gaul: yet the German empire had
nothing more in Gaul than the empty homage
of the remainder of the kingdom of Arles, of
E 5 Pro-
—
$2
Of the emperor Chap. Iviii,
Provence, and Dauphiné, which were foon after
ſwallowed up in the vaſt kingdom of France.
Savoy, which belonged to the houſe of Morienne,
was held of the empire; and Franche Comte
_— the Imperial protection, was indepen-
nt, |
We have already ſeen what ſort of poſſeſſions
the emperor had in Italy: in Germany his ſove-
reignty was confined to his hereditary dominions.
And yet he ſpeaks in his bull like a deſpotic
king; he does every thing there of his certain
knowledge, and by his fullneſs of power : expreffions
inconſiſtent with the Germanic liberty, and which
are no longer ſuffered in the Imperial diets, where
the emperor uſes theſe words; We have agreed
with 8 and the flates with us. |
In order to give ſome idea of the pompous ce-
remony of the golden bull, it will ſuffice to men-
tion that the duke of Luxemburg and Brabant,
the emperor's nephew, waited upon him at table;
that the duke of Saxony, as great marſhal, ſtood
with a ſilver meaſure, filled with oats ; that the
elector of Brandenburg gave the emperor and
empreſs water to waſh their hands ; and that the
count Palatine laid the golden plates on the table
in the preſence of all the grandees of the empire.
One would have taken Charles IV. for the
king of kings. Never did Conſtantine, the
proudeſt of all the emperors, make ſo great a
ſhow. And yet Charles IV. even while he af-
ſected to be Roman emperor, had made oath to
pi ew Clement VI. before his election, that if ever
went to be crowned at Rome, he would not
to much as lye.one night in the city, and that
he would .never ſet foot again in Italy without
F499 leave
Charles IV. &c.
leave of the holy father. And there is ſtill ex-
tant a letter of his to cardinal Colombier, dean
of the ſacred college, dated in the year 1355,
wherein he calls this dean, Your Majeſiy. |
He ſuffered the houſe of Viſconti to continue
in their uſurpation of Milan and Lombardy, and
the Venetians to keep poſſeſſion of Padua, here-
tofore the ſovereign of Venice, but now like
Vicenza and Verona, become her ſubject. He
was crowned king of Arles in the city of that
name, but it was on condition that he fhould not
reſide there any longer than at Rome.
The electors, whoſe rights had been eſtabliſhed
by the golden bull of Charles IV. ſoon put them
in force againſt his own ſon, the emperor Wen-
ceflaus, king of Bohemia.
France and Germany were afflicted both at the
fame time with a very extraordinary ſcourge: the
emperor and the French king loſt the uſe of
their reaſon. On the one hand, Charles VI. by
the derangement of his organs, threw France
into diſorder ; and on the other, Wenceſlaus was
ſo ſtupified by gluttony, that he left the empire in
a ſtate of anarchy. Charles VI. continued on the
0 throne, while his relations were ruining France
: under his name; but the barons of Bohemia
: confined Wenceſlaus, who made his eſcape quite
naked out of priſon, and the electors by a public
fentence juridically depoſed him, The ſentence
mentions only that he is depoſed, as guilty of neglect
of government, indolent, profuſe, and unworthy to
reign,
t is ſaid, that when he received notice of his
depoſition, * wrote to the Imperial cities, that
he required no other marks of their fidelity, than
E 6 that
84
1376.
Of the emperor & c. Chap. lviii.
that they would ſend him ſome tons of their
beſt wine.
The deplorable ſituation of Germany ſeemed
to leave an open field for the popes in Italy ; but
the republics and principalities, erected in that
country, were now ſettled. From the time of
Clement V. the popes had reſided at Avignon;
but at length Gregory XI. who was born in the
territory of the Limoſin, removed his reſidence
to Rome, though he did not underſtand one word
of Italian. | |
This pontif had had high diſputes with the
republic of Florence, which was eſtabliſhing its
power in Italy, and had entered into an alliance
with Bologna. The pope, who by the ancient
donation of Matilda, pretended to be the im-
mediate lord of this laſt city, was not ſatisfied
with revenging himſelf by eccleſiaſtical cenſures;
but moreover exhauſted his treaſures to pay the
Condottieri, who at that time uſed to let out troops
for hire. The Florentines were now deſirous to
make up matters, and to engage the holy father in
their intereſts. Believing that it would be of
ſervice to them, if the pope would reſide at
Rome, they wanted to perſuade Gregory to quit
Avignon, One cannot conceive how at a time
when they were ſo knowing in matters of inte-
reit, they could make uſe of fuch ridiculous.
means (or at leaſt which appear to us ſo ridicu-
lous) to attain their ends. The perſon deputed
to wait upon the pope was St. Catharine of Si-
enna, a woman not only celebrated for revela-
tions, but that pretended to have been ſolemnly
eſpouſed to Jeſus Chriſt, and to have received a
ring and diamond of him at her nuptials, Her
| con-
Of the grea! ſchiſm of the Weſt.
confeſſor, Peter of Capua, who wrote her life,
had been witneſs to molt of her miracles; I was
preſent, ſays he, one day, when ſhe was transformed
into a man, with a little beard to her chin; and
this figure into which ſhe was transformed all of a
ſudden, was that of Chriſt himfelf. Such was the
ambaſſadreſs appointed by the Florentines. On
the other hand they had recourſe to the revelations
of St. Bridget, who was born in Sweden, but re-
fided at Rome, and to whom an angel dictated
ſeveral letters for his holineſs. The fupreme pon-
tifs have not been all of them men of genius.
What ſhall we ſay? Was it ſimplicity in Gregory ?
Was he worked upon by ſprings proportioned to
nis intellects? Did he act through policy or weak-
neſs? Be that as it may, he complied at length, and
the papal reſidence was removed from Avignon
to Rome at the end of ſeventy years; only to in-
volve Europe in new broils and diſſenſions.
CCC
CH AFT. AX.
Of the great ſchiſm of the Weſt.
T that time the holy ſee was poſſeſſed only
of the patrimony of St. Peter in Tuſcany,
of the Campagna di Roma, the country of Vi-
terbo and Orvicto, the province of Sabina, the
dutchy of Spoleto, Benevento, and a ſmall part
of the marquiſate of Ancona. The other terri-
tories, which have been united ſince to the eccle-
ſtaſtic ſtate, were then ſubject to different lords,
in the quality of vicars of the holy ſee, or of
the
86
1378.
Of the great ſchiſm Chap. lix.
the empire. Since the year 1138 the cardinals
had uſurped the privilege of excluding the people
and the reſt of the clergy from the election of the
Roman pontifs ; and ſince the year 1216 they
had made a law, that two thirds of the votes
were neceſſary for a canonical election. At the
time I am ſpeaking of, there were only ſixteen
cardinals in Rome, eleven French, one Spaniſh,
and four Italians. Fhe Romans, notwithſtand-
ing their paſſion for liberty, and averſion to their
maſters, were willing to have a pope that would
reſide at Rome, becauſe they deteſted the Ultra-
montanes a great deal more than they did the
pope, and becauſe the preſence of the pontif was
the means of drawing riches to their city, The
threatened therefore to deſtroy the cardinals, if
they choſe a foreigner : at which the electors
were ſo frightened, that they nominated Brigano,
biſhop of Bari, a Neapolitan, who took the name
of Urban Il. This was a paſſionate ſour man,
and canſequently very unfit for ſuch a dignity :
he was hardly inſtalled, when he declared in
full conſiſtory, that he would puniſh the kings
of France and England, Charles the Wiſe, and
Edward III. who, he faid, were diſturbing all
Chriſtendom with their quarrels. The cardinal
de la Grange, a man of as violent a temper ag
the pope himſelf, lifting up his hand in a mena-
cing poſture, told him he lied; and theſe two
words flung Europe into a confuſion that laſted
forty years. Moft of the cardinals, and eyen
the Italians themſelves, were fo offended with the
fiery temper of a man thus unqualified for go-
vernment, that they withdrew to the kingdom of
Naples, where they declared the pope's _—_—
void,
; of the Weſt.
void, as having been made by violence, After
this they unanimouſly proceeded to the election
of a new pontif, when the French cardinals had
the uncommon ſatisfaction of outwitting their
Italian brethren. They promiſed the tiara to each
Italian in particular, and afterwards they elected
Robert ſon of Amadeus count of Geneva, who
took the name of Clement VII. Upon this Eu-
rope was divided: the emperor Charles IV. Eng-
land, Flanders, and Hungary, acknowledged Ur-
ban, whom Rome and Italy obeyed. 3
Scotland, Savoy, and Lorrain, declared for Cle-
ment. All the religious orders were divided; the
doctors all wrote, and the univerſities iſſued out
decrees, The two popes treated each other as
uſurpers, and antichriſts, and mutually proceed»
ed to excommunications. But what completed
the cataſtrophe, was, that they fought with- the
complicate fury of a civil and of a religious war, 1379.
A body of troops, which Clement's nephew had
raiſed in Gaſcony and Britany, marched into
Italy, and took Rome by ſurprize, where in their
firſt fury they killed all that came in their way.
But the people of Rome recovering from their
fright, cuickly rallied, and a deſperate engage-
ment enſuing within the walls, the French, not
excepting the prieſts of that nation, were all
deftroyed. Soon after this another army of pope
Clement's, which had been raifed in the kingdom
of Naples, appeared within a few leagues of
Rome, and offered battle to pope Urban's forces.
Each of theſe armies had the keys of St. Peter
on their enſigns. The Clementine troops were
defeated ; yet the quarrel did not end here, for
there were other intereſts to manage, beſides thoſe
of
1383.
Of the great ſchiſm Chap. lix.
of the two pontifs. Urban intending part of the
kingdom of Naples for his nephew, dethroned
queen Joan the protectreſs of Clement, a princeſs
who had reigned many years in Naples with va-
rious ſucceſs, and whoſe adminiſtration, in other
reſpects glorious, was ſtained by the murder of
her huſband. = »
We have beheld this queen aſſaſſinated by her
couſin Charles of Durazzo, with whom pope
Urban wanted to ſhare the kingdom of Naples.
As ſoon as this uſurper was in quiet poſſeſſion
of the throne, he refuſed to perform his pro-
miſe to the pontif, who was not {trong enough
to compel him. Urban, who had more warmth
than policy, was ſo imprudent as to pay a viſit to
his vaſlal, though he knew himſelf inferior in
ſtrength, and was attended but with a ſlender re-
tinue. The ancient ceremonial obliged the king
to kiſs the pope's feet, and to hold his horſe by
the bridle : Durazzo conformed to only. one. of
theſe ceremonies; he laid hold of the bridle,
but it was to conduct the pope to priſon. Ur-
ban was kept for a while in confinement at Na-
ples, continually negotiating with his vaſſal, who
ſometimes treated him with reſpect, and at other
times with contempt. At length the pope made
his eſcape out of priſon, and retired to the little
town of Nocera, where he collected the ſcattered
remains of his court. The cardinals, and ſome
biſhops, were ſo tired with his moroſe temper, and
ſtill more with his misfortunes, that they con-
certed. meaſures at Nocera for quitting him, in
order to remove to Rome, and to chuſe a perſon
more worthy of wearing the pontifical crown.
Urban having got intelligence of their deſign,
ordered
of the Weſt.
ordered them all to be put to the torture in his
preſence. Being ſoon obliged to fly from the
kingdom of Naples, he retired to the city of
Genoa, from whence ſome gallies had been ſent
to eſcort him ; dragging with him thoſe poor car-
dinals and biſhops in that maimed condition, and
bound in fetters. One of thoſe biſhops, being
half dead with the torments of the rack, and un-
able to get aſhore time enough to pleaſe the pope,
was murdered by the way. As ſoon as Urban
arrived at Genoa, he got rid of thoſe cardinals,
his priſoners, by different puniſhments. The
Caligulas and the Neros had been guilty of crimes
of the like nature, but they met with their due
deſerts, and Urban died peaceably in Rome, His 1389.
creature and perſecutor, Charles of Durazzo, was
more unfortunate; for having made an expedition
into Hungary, with an intent of ſeizing a crown
which did not belong to him, he was aſſaſſinated
in that country, |
After the death of Urban this civil war ſeem-
ed to be extinguiſhed, but the Romans were far
from acknowledging Clement. The ſchiſm was
therefore continued on both ſides : the Urbaniſts
choſe Perin Tomaſel, and upon the dea h of this
Tomaſel, they pitched upon cardinal Meliorati.
On the other hand the Clementins choſe Peter
Luna, a native of Arragon, to ſucceed Clement,
who died in 1390. Never had pope leſs power
in Rome than Meliorati; and Peter Luna was
ſoon no more than a cypher in Avignon. The
Romans deſirous of re-eſtabliſhing their municipal
government, expelled Meliorati after a great deal
of bloodſhed, notwithſtanding that they acknow-
ledged him as pope; and the French, who had
recognized
r
a 8 a
90
1402.
Of the great ſchiſm Chap. lix.
recognized Peter Luna, laid fiege to the city of
Avignon, where they kept him confined.
The ſtates of France took fo prudent a reſolu-
tion upon this unhappy occaſion, that I am ſur-
prized it was not followed by other nations.
They acknowledged no pope at all ; but each
_ dioceſe was governed by its own biſhop. They
remitted no annats, and. owned no reſervations
or exemptions; ſo that Rome was afraid leſt that
kind of adminiſtration, which continued ſome
years, ſhould laſt for ever.
Luna had promiſed before his election to reſign
kis dignity, if neceſſary, for the ſake of peace;
but did not keep his word : a noble Venetian,
named Corario, who was choſen at Rome, took
the ſame oath, but did not keep it better. At
length the cardinals of both ſides being heartily
tired with the general as well as private quarrels,
with which the diſpute about the triple crown
was attended, agreed to call a general council at
Piſa. Aecordingly they met, and 24 cardinals, 26
archbiſhops, 192 biſhops, 289 abbots, the deputies
of all the univerſities, as alſo of the chapters of 102
1409.
metropolitan churches, 300 doctors of divinity,
the grand maſter of Malta, and the ambaſſadors
of all the Chriſtian princes, were preſent at this
aſſembly. Here they choſe a new pope, which
was Peter Philargi, who took the name of Alex-
ander V ; but the fruit of this grand council was,
that they had three popes, or antipopes, inſtead
of two. The emperor Robert would not ac-
knowledge this council; ſo that the confuſion
was greater than ever,
One cannot help lamenting the hard fate of
Rome; they wanted to force a biſhop and a
prince
of the Weſt.
prince upon her whether ſhe would or not. In
purſuance of this reſolution, a body of French
troops under the command of Tanegui du Cha-
tel, threatened to ſack the city. unleſs ſhe accept-
ed of a third pope, Corario the Venetian trans-
ferred his reſidence to Gaieta, where he put him-
ſelf under the protection of the ſon of Charles
of Durazzo, known in France by the name of
Lancelot, who then reigned at Naples : at the
ſame time Peter Luna removed his ſee to Per-
pignan. Rome was plundered, but without any
advantage to the third pope, who died by the
way ; and according to the politics which pre-
vailed at that time, every body ſuſpected he had
been paiſoned, Gia
As the cardinals of the council of Piſa, his
electors, had made themſelves maſters of Rome,
they choſe Balthazar: Cozza, a Neapolitan, . for
his ſucceſſor. This Balthazar was a ſoldier : he
had been alſo captain of a privateer, and diſtin»
iſhed himſelf in the war, which ftill continued
tween the ſon of Charles of Durazzo, and the
houſe of Anjou: afterwards he was made legate
in Germany, where he grew rich by the ſale of
indulgences. He bought at length a cardinal's
hat, tor which he paid a high price ; nor did he
make a cheaper purchaſe of Catharine his concu-
bine, whom he took away: from her own huſ-
band. Perhaps a pope of this ſtamp was the fit-
teſt for Rome in her preſent ſituation ; when
{he had more need of a ſoldier, than of a divine.
From the time of Urban V. the rival popes-went
on negotiating, and excommunicating, but con-
fined their politics to-the extorting of ſome money.
'This man determined to wage war: he —
now
*
Of the great ſchiſm Chap lix.
knowledged by France, and by the greatcſt part
of Europe, under the name of John XXIII. He
had no occaſion to fear the pope of Perpignan
but the pope of Gaieta was formidable, becauſe
he was protected by the king of Naples. John
XXIII. raiſes troops, publiſhes a cruſade againſt
Lancelot, gets prince Lewis of Anjou on his fide,
and grants him the inveſtiture of Naples. A
battle was fought on the banks of the Garigliano,
where the pope's party remained victorious,
But gratitude is not the virtue of ſovereigns:
reaſons of ſtate prevailing over every other conſi-
deration, the pope deprived his benefactor and
defender, Lewis of Anjou, of the inveſtiture,
and acknowledged Lancelot his enemy for king,
on condition of his giving up to him Corario the
Venetian. " | 18
Lancelot, unwilling that John XXIII. ſhould
grow too powerful, ſuffered pope Corario to make
his eſcape. 'This wandering pontif retired to the
caſtle of Rimini, which belonged to Malateſta,
one of the petty tyrants of Italy: here he ſubſiſted
intirely by the benevolence of this lord; and
though he was acknowledged only by the duke
of Bavaria, he excommunicated all the kings
of Europe, and ſpoke like the ſovereign of the
earth; FE |
John XXIII. the only lawful pope, becauſe he
had been elected, and acknowledged at Rome by
the cardinals of the council of Piſa, and had ſuc-
ceeded the pope choſen by the ſame council, was
likewiſe the only pope in fact. But as he had
betrayed his benefattor, Lewis of Anjou; ſo
Lancelot, king of Naples, whole benefactor he
had been, betrayed him in like manner. :
; 0 0
of the Weſt.
Lancelot, after his ſucceſs, wanted to be maſter
of Kome; accordingly he furprized this unhappy
city, and john XXIII. had hardly time to make
his eſrape. It was lucky for him that there were
free citia chen in Italy. To tarow himſelf, like
Corario, tg tue hands of one of the petty ty-
rants, would have been making himſeltf a ſſave;
he therefore put hicatelf under the protection of
the people of icence, who fougit againſt Lan-
celot, for their liberty, and for the pope,
Lancelot was carrying every thing before him;
when the pope ſeeing himſcif beſieged in Bologna,
had recourſe to the emperor Sigiſmond, who was
come into Italy to conclude a treaty with the
Venetians. Sigiſmond, as emperor, was likely to
increaſe his power by the humiliation of the pope ;
and he was alſo the natural enemy of Lancelot,
the tyrant of Italy. John XXIII. propoſes to
him to form a league, and to aſſemble a council;
a league, in order to expel the common enemy,
and a council to confirm his right to the ponti-
ficate. There was even a neceſſity for this aſ-
ſembly; for the council of Piſa had ordered it to
be called at the end of three years. Accordingly
Sigiſmond, and John XXIII. iſſued out their
ſummons for the holding of this council in the
little city of Conſtance; but Lancelot baftled all
theſe negotiations by the ſucceſs of his arms.
Nothing but an extraordinary incident could ſet
the pope and the emperor free; this was the death
93
of Lancelot, who reſigned his laſt breath at the 1414.
age of thirty, in ſudden and moſt excruciating
pains, which gave a ſuſpicion of his having been
poiſoned; a practice at that time but too fre-
quent.
, John
94
The Council Chap. Ix.
John XXIII. having got rid of his enemy, had
no longer any thing more than the emperor and
the council to fear; he wanted to put off the
meeting of this European ſenate, who have a
power of judging the ſupreme pontifs. But the
meeting was proclaimed, the emperor inſiſted
upon it, and thoſe who had a right to ſit there,
were flocking from all parts to ſettle the peace of
Chriſtendom.
CCC
CHAP. LX.
The Council of Conſtance.
N the weſtern bank of the lake of Con-
ſtance, the city of this name was ſaid to
have been built by Conſtantine j and Sigiſmond
pitched upon it as the theatre where this great
ſcene was to be acted. Never had there been a
convocation more numerous than that of Piſa ; and
yet it was far exceeded by the council of Conſtance,
Beſides the vaſt multitude of prelates and doc-
tors, there were a hundred and twenty eight -
reat vaſſals of the empire. The emperor was
preſent himſelf. The electors of Mentz, Sax-
ony, Palatine, Brandenburgh, with the dukes
of Auſtria and Sileſia affiſted at this aſſembly ;
ſeven. and twenty ſovereigns were repreſented by
their ambaſſadors, who vied with each other in
luxury and-magnificence ; as we may infer from
this circumſtance, that fifty goldſmiths went to live
in that city, together with their workmen, during
the holding of the council. They reckoned five
hundred muſicians, and ſeven hundred and eighteen
= TIM 2 cour-
of Conſtance. 95
courtifans under the protection of the magiſtrate.
They were obliged to build wooden huts in order
to accommodate all thoſe ſlaves of luxury and
incontinency, who attended the princes and great
lords, but not the fathers of the council. They
were not at all aſhamed of this cuſtom ; it was
authorized in every ſtate, as it heretofore had
the ſanction of almoſt all antiquity. The church
of France allowed to each archbiſhop, deputed to
this aſſembly, ten livres a day (which is about fiſty
of our preſent currency) eight to a biſhop, five to
an abbot, and three to a doctor. Ih
Before I enter into the particulars of what was
tranſacted in this general aſſembly of Chriſten-
dom, I think it proper to give a ſummary view of
the chief princes who then reigned in Europe,
and of the {tate and condition of their reſpective
dominions.
Sigiſmond had joined the imperial dignity to the
kingdom of Hungary : but he had been unſucceſs- 1393.
ful againſt the famous Bajazet, ſultan of the
Turks ; ſo that Hungary exhauſted, and Ger-
many divided, were both threatened with the Ma-
hometan yoke. He had ſtill been worſe treated
by his ſubjects, than by the Turks; for the Hun-
pm confined him, and offered the crown to
ancelot king of Naples. But he found means
to eſcape out of priſon, and having retrieved his 1410.
affairs in Hungary, he was at length choſen head
of the empire.
In France, the unhappy Charles VI. being
feized with a frenzy, enjoyed only the title of
king: his relations were employed in rending and
diſmembering the kingdom, ſo that they concern-
ed themſelves but little about the council; how- |
ever,
JJC ²˙ ˙ ] uu
— — — u————— @— —— “ —
The Council Chap. Ix.
ever, it was their intereſt that the emperor ſhould
not appear to be the maſter of Europe,
Ferdinand fat upon the throne of Arragon, and
| eſpouſed the cauſe of his pope, Peter Luna.
John II. king of Caſtile, had no manner of
influence in the affairs of Europe; but ſtill he
ſided with Luna, and he had made himſelf maſter
of the kingdom of Navarre.
Henry V. king of England, being taken up,
as we ſhall relate hereafter, with the conqueſt
of France, was deſirous to ſee the pontifical power
intirely reduced, to the end that the ſee of Rome
might never be able to extort money from Eng-
land, nor to concern itſelf with the rights of
crowned heads,
Rome being delivered from the French troops,
and ſtill miſtreſs of the caſtle of St. Angelo, had
acknowledged John XXIII; yet ſhe diſliked her
pope, and was afraid of the emperor.
The cities of Italy were ſo divided, that they
had hardly any weight in the ſcales. The repub-
lic of Venice aſpiring at the ſovereignty of Italy,
took advantage of the troubles of that country,
as well as thoſe of the church.
The duke of Bavaria, in order to act a part
upon this ſtage, protected pope Corario, who
had taken ſhelter at Rimini ; while Frederick
duke of Auſtria, Sigiſmond's ſecret enemy, thought
only of N this prince's deſigns.
Sigiſmond made himſelf maſter of the council,
by placing ſoldiers round the city of Conſtance,
for the ſafety, as he ſaid, of the fathers. It would
have been better for John XXIII. to have return-
ed to Rome, where he could be maſter, than to
put himſelf in the power of the emperor, who
| | Was
of Conſtance.
was able to ruin him. He entered into a confe-
deracy with the duke of Auſtria, the archbiſhop
of Mentz, and the duke of Burgundy ; which
was the cauſe of his misfortunes. The emperor
immediately became his enemy, and notwith-
ſanding his being a lawful pope, he inſiſted on
his rang the tiara, as well as Luna and
Corario. John ſolemnly promiſed to comply, 1475.
but repented the moment after. He ſaw him-
ſelf a priſoner in the midſt of the very council,
over which he preſided: the only reſource left
him, was to make his eſcape ; but the emperor
cauſed him to be narrowly watched. The duke
of Auſtria, willing to favour the pope's eſcape,
could find no better way of effeCting it, than to
entertain the council with a tournament. In the
midſt of this feſtivity, the pope went off in a
poſtilion's diſguiſe ; and the duke of Auſtria ſet
out immediately after him. They both retired
to a part of Swiſſerland that belonged ſtill to the
houſe of Auſtria, The pope would have been
protected by the duke of Burgundy, a prince of
great power, whether we conſider his own terri-
tories, or the authority he had in France: thus
a new ſchiſm was going to be kindled. The
heads of the religious orders, who adhered to the
pope, were already withdrawing from Conſtance,
and things were likely to take ſuch a turn, that
the council muſt become an aſſembly of rebels.
Sigiſmond, who had been unſucceſsful upon fo
many other occaſions, was fortunate in this
having a body of troops at hand, he ſeized on
the territories of the duke of Auſtria in Alſace,
Tyrol, and Swiſſerland. This obliged the duke
to return to the council, where upon his knees
Vol. II. VV
97
be Council Chap. Ix.
he aſked the emperor's pardon; and joining both
his hands, he promiſed never to undertake an
thing againſt his will: at the ſame time he reſign-
ed all his dominions to the emperor, to be diſpo-
ſed of as he ſhould think proper, in caſe he
ſhould ever break his word. Sigiſmond at length
ſtretched out his band to the duke of Auſtria, and
forgave him, on condition he would deliver up
the pope.
The fugitive pontif was arreſted. in Fribourg,
and removed to a neighbouring caſtle: in the
mean time the council n in his trial.
He was charged with having ſold benefices and
relics; with having poiſoned the pope his prede-
ceſſor; with having murdered a multitude of in-
nocent perſons; in ſhort, he was accuſed of the
moſt impious licentiouſneſs, of the higheſt exceſs
May
295
1415.
of debauchery, even of ſodom and blaſphemy:
but they ſuppreſſed fifty articles of the verbal pro-
ceſs, that were too injurious to the pontificate. At
length they read in the emperor's preſence the ſen-
tence of his depoſition, which imported, that the
council reſerved to themſelves the right of pu-
niſhing the pope for his crimes, according to
juſtice or mercy. |
The pope, who had ſhewn ſo much courage,
when he had formerly fought both by ſea and
land, was all reſignation when they came to read
his ſentence to him in priſon, The emperor
kept him three years cloſe confined in Manheim,
where he was treated with ſuch ſeverity, as ren-
dered him more an object of compaſſion, than his
crimes. had expoſed him to the public hatred.
They had now depoſed the lawful pope ; and
they wanted the renunciations of thoſe who *
7 tende
12 e Conſtance.
tended to the pontificate. Corario ſent them his;
but the proud Spaniard Luna would never yield,
The council was not ſo much troubled about de-
poſing him, as about the election of a pope.
The cardinals claimed the privilege to them-
ſelves :. and the council acting as the repreſen-
tatives of the church, wanted to enjoy this right.
There was a neceſſity for giving a head to Chri-
ſtendom, and a ſovereign to Rome : and it
was but juſt, that the cardinals who are the
council of the prince of that city, and the fa-
thers of the council, who in conjunction with
them repreſent the church, ſhould all give their
votes, Thirty deputies of the council joined to 1417.
the cardinals, , with one voice elected Otho Co-
lonna, of that ſame family which had been ex-
communicated by Boniface VIII. to the fifth ge-
neration. This pontif, who changed his illuſtri-
ous name for that of Martin, poltellec the quali-
ties of a prince and the virtues of a biſhop.
Never was there a pope more pompouſly inau-
gurated: he marched towards the church, mounted
on a white horſe, whoſe reins were held by the
emperor and the elector Palatine on foot; a mul-
titude of princes and the whole council cloſed
the proceſſion, The triple crown was put on his
| head, a crown which the popes had aſſumed two
centuries ago. |
: The fathers of the council did not meet at
firſt in order to dethrone the pope; their princi-
| pal view ſeemed to be the reformation of the
4 church. This was chiefly the deſign of Gerſon
and 'of the other deputies of- the univerſity of
Paris,
F 2 Complaints
_. The "Council &c. Chap. lx.
Complaints had been made in the council for the
ſpace of two years againſt the annats, the exemp-
tions, the reſervations, and the pontifical taxes'upon
the clergy for the benefit of the court of Rome, in
ſhort againſt all the vices with which the church
was at that time dishgured. But how did this
reformation end? Pope Martin declared, 1. That
no exemptions ſhould be granted without know-
ledge of the cauſe. 2. That the beneſices which
had been reunited, ſhould be inquired into. 3.
That the revenues of vacant churches ſhould be
diſpoſed of according to the public law. 4. He
made an ineffectual prohibition of ſimony.
He ordained, that thoſe who had benefices, ſhould
be diſtinguiſhed by the tonſure. 6. He forbad
the celebrating of maſs in a lay habit. Theſe
were the laws promulged by the moſt folemn
aſſembly in the univerſe, 3
Gerſon obtained with great difficulty the con-
demnation even of the following propoſitions :
that there are caſes wherein aſſaſſination is a vir-
tuous action, far more meritorious in a knight
than in a ſquire; and ſtill much mote ſo in a prince
than in a knight. This doctrine of aſſaſſination
had been publicly maintained by a doctor of the
| univerſity of Paris, named John Petit, upon the
murder of the king's own brother. The council
for a long time evaded Gerſon's petition ;- but at
length they were obliged to condemn this doctrine
of murder, though without mentioning John Pe-
tit by name. |
, > Such is the idea which I thought it incumbent
upon me to give of the ſeveral political views of
the council of Conſtance : the fires which were
there kindled by a religious zeal, are of another
kind. CHAP.
Of Jobn Huſs &c.
| C HAP. LXI.
Of Jobn Huſs and Jerome of Prague.
ROM this ſketch of general hiſtory, it
\.. plainly appears into what ignorance the in-
habitants of this weſtern part of the world were
fallen. The nations heretofore ſubject to the
Romans, became barbarians at the extinction of
the empire; and the others had bcen ever ſuch,
To read and write was a very extraordinary accom-
pliſhment before the reign of Frederick II; and the
famous benefit of the clergy, by which a condemn-
ed malefactor obtained his pardon in caſe he could
read, is the ſtrongeſt proof of the brutal ignorance
of thoſe days. In proportion to the ignorance of
the vulgar, learning, but eſpecially religious learn-
ing, inveſted * churchmen with that authority,
which teachers, in conſequence of their ſupe-
rior knowledge, have naturally over their diſci-
ples. From this authority, power aroſe. There
was not a biſhop in Germany or in the North,
who was not' a ſovereign : not one in Spain,
France, or England, but was poſſeſſed of, or diſ-
puted the rights of the regale. Almoſt every
abbot was become a prince; and the popes,
though perſecuted, were the kings of all thoſe
ſovereigns. At length the greateſt part of the
biſhops and abbots were, in conſequence of the
vices attending luxury, and of the diſorders which
follow ambition, reduced to the ignorant ſtate of
the laity. The univerſities of Bologna, Paris, and
Oxford, which had been founded towards the thir-
3 teenth
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102
/ Jobn Huſs Ch. Ixi.
teenth century, cultivated that learning which
had been forſaken by the opulent clergy. |
Thr: doctors of theſe univerſities, I mean ſuch
as were only doctors, ſoon exclaimed againſt the
ſcandalous lives of the reſt of the clergy ; and the
deſire of diſtinguiſhing themſelves, was the cauſe
of their prying into myſteries, which for the pub-
lic peace ſhould never have been unveiled.
He who rent the veil with the greateſt fury,
was John Wickliff, doctor of the univerſity of
Oxford : he preached, he wrote, while Urban V
and Clement ravaged the church by their ſchiſm,
He pretended that what France had done only
for a while, by acknowledging no pope, ſhould
be eſtabliſhed as a conſtant law. This notion was
approved by a great many Engliſh lords, who had
long with indignation beheld their country treat-
ed as a Roman province; but it was oppoſed by
7 thoſe who ſhared the benefit of this ſubmiſ-
ton. | 3 |
Wickliff was not ſo much protected in his
theology, as in his politics: he revived the old
opinions of Berenger, which had been formerly
proſeribed; he maintained, that we muſt believe
nothing impoſſible or contradictory; that no
accident can ſubſiſt without a ſubject; in a word,
that the ſubſtance of bread and wine remains in
the Euchariſt. He wanted likewiſe to aboliſh
auricular confeſſion, indulgenc es, and the eccleſi-
aſtical hierarchy. The tenets which the Vau-
dois heretofore taught in private, he delivered in
public; and his doctrine was nearly the ſame as
that of the Proteſtants, who appeared a. century
after him, and of more ſocieties than one of much
greater antiquity, |
His
and Ferome of Prague.
His doctrine was cenſured by the univerſity of
Oxford, by the biſhops, and clergy ; but this did
not ſuppreſs it. His works, notwithſtanding their
obſcurity and bad ſtile, were ſpread abroad, numbers
being prompted to read them merely from the
nature of the quarrel, and the boldneſs of the
author, whoſe irreproachable morals gave ſome
weight to his opinions. "Theſe books had found
their way into Bohemia, a country not long ſince
barbarous, and which from the groſſeſt ignorance
was changing to another kind of ignorance, at
that time known by the name of erudition.
The emperor Charles IV, the legiſlator of Ger-
many and Bohemia, had founded an univerſity
at Prague, upon the ſame plan as that of Paris, It
is ſaid that they had near twenty thouſand ſtudents
at the beginning of the fifteenth century. The
Germans-had three votes in the reſolutions of the
academy,. and the Bohemians- but one, John
Huſs, a native of Bohemia, batchelor of the uni-
verſity, and confeſſor to the queen Sophia of Ba-
varia, wife of Wenceſlaus, obtained of the queen
that his countrymen, on the contrary, ſhould
have three votes, and the Germans but one. The
latter were diſobliged at this, and retired; ſo that
ever after they proved moſt bitter enemies to
John Huſs. About this very time he received
ſome of Wickliff's works: he conſtantly rejected
the ſpeculative doctrine contained in thoſe
works, but adopted the paſſionate invectives a-
gainſt the ſcandalous lives of the popes and the
biſhops, againſt the excommunications thundered
out with ſuch levity and fury, and, in fine, a-
gainſt the eccleſiaſtical power, the rights and
uſurpations of which neither he nor Wickliff had
*
F 4 *
103
1414.
Of John Huſs Ch. lxi.
properly aſcertained. By this behaviour he made
himſelf more enemies; but he likewiſe acquired
more protectors, and among the reſt the queen,
whoſe conſcience he directed. He was accuſed +
before pope John XXIII, and ſummoned to ap-
pear towards the year 1411, but refuſed to obey
the ſummons. In the mean time the council of
Conſtance met, which was to pronounce judg-
ment upon the popes, and upon the opinions of
men: and here he was alſo cited. The emperor
himſelf wrote to the court of Bohemia, that they
ſhould ſend him to the council, in order to give
an account of his doctrine.
John Huſs, full of confidence, repaired to this
aſſembly, from which both he and the pope ſhould
have kept away. He arrived there in company
| 1415.
with ſome Buhemian gentlemen, and many of
his diſciples : but what is moſt remarkable, he
came there with the emperor's ſafe conduct, dated
the 18th of October, 1414, and drawn up in the
moſt favourable and the moſt ample terms, and
in which the emperor undertook to protect him
upon his journey, during his ſtay, as alſo in
his return, No ſooner was he arrived, than they
made him a cloſe priſoner, and proceeded to try
him at the ſame time as they tried the pope. He
ran away, as the pope did; like him he was alſo
retaken; and they were both confined for ſome
time in the ſame priſon. |
At length he appeared before them loaded with
chains; and was examined concerning ſeveral
paſſages in his writings, We muſt confeſs, that
there is no man but may be ruined, by wreſting
the meaning of his words. What doctor, what
writer is ſure of his life, if we condemn to the
rh flames
and Jerome of Prague.
flames a perſon who ſays, „that there is only
« one catholic church, which contains all the
ec predeſtined in its boſom ; that a reprobate is
« not a member of this church; that the tem-
& poral lords ought to oblige the prieſts to ob-
ce ſerve the law; and that a bad pope is not the
« vicar of Jeſus Chriſt ?” |
And yet theſe were the propoſitions maintained
by John Huſs : he explained them all in ſuch a
manner as might have acquitted him ; but the
council underſtood them in ſuch a ſenſe as was
found neceſſary to condemn him. 'One of the
fathers ſaid * 38 ce If you do not believe the
« univerſale a parte rei *, you do not believe
© in the real preſence.” What a way of argu-
ing! And on how precarious a thing did men's
lives at that time depend!
Huſs had not embraced any of thoſe propoſi-
tions of Wickliff, which divide the proteſtants
from the church of Rome; and yet he was
condemned to be burnt. Inquiring into the cauſe
of this execution, I could never find it to be
any other than that ſpirit of obſtinacy which is
generally learnt in the ſchools. The fathers of
the council abſolutely inſiſted upon John Huſs's
retracting; and John, convinced of his being in
the right, would not acknowledge himſelf in an
error. The emperor, moved with compaſſion,
faid to him, What harm is there in abjuring
errors falſely imputed to you? I am ready at
this very moment to abjure all manner of er-
„ rors: but does it follow from thence that I
* A barbarous term of the ſchools, ſignifying the real exiſt-
ence of ſomething that is common to many things,
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106
Of Jobn Huſs Ch. Ixi.
6 held them?” Huſs was inflexible : he ſhewed
the emperor the difference berween a general ab-
juration of errors, and retracting an error: he
choſe rather to be committed to the flames, than
to acknowledge he had been in the wrong.
The council was as inflexible as he: but the
obſtinacy of encountering certain death had ſome-
thing in it that was heroical ; whereas that of
condemning him to the flames was an act of cru-
elty. The emperor, notwithſtanding the faith
of his ſafe conduct, ordered the elector Palatine
to drag him to the place of execution, where he
was burnt alive in the preſence of the elector him-
{cIf, ſinging the Divine praiſes till he was ſilenced
by the flames, Pen 5
Some months afterwards, the council exerciſed .
the ſame ſeverity againſt Jerome the diſciple and
friend of John Huſs, whom we commonly call
Jerome of Prague. He was a man of a ſuperior
underſtanding and eloquence to John Hufs : at
firſt he ſigned the condemnation of his maſter's
doctrine; but hearing with what magnanimity John
had encountered death, he was aſhamed to live ;
he therefore made a public retractation, and was
conſigned to the flames. Poggio the Florentine,
ſecretary to John XXIII, and one of the firſt re-
ſtorers of letters, who was preſent at his interro-
eatories, and his execution, fays, that he never
heard any thing that ſo nearly approached to the
eloquence of the Greeks and Romans, as the
ſpeech which Jerome made to his judges: **He
* ſpoke, ſays he, like Socrates, and walked to
©. the ſtake with as much chearfulneſs, as that
with which Socrates drank the cup of hem-
“ lock.” | |
| I dince
and Jerome of Prague.
Since Poggio has drawn this compariſon, may
I be permitted to add, that Socrates was in reality
condemned like John Huſs and Jerome of Prague,
for having incurred the diſpleaſure of the Sophiſts
and prieſts of his time,
But, . how great the
difference between the manners of Athens; and
thoſe of the council of Conſtance ; between a
cup of mild poiſon, which, far from being at-
tended with any apparatus of terror or infamy,
ſuffered. a perſon to expire gently in the midſt of
his friends; and the dreadful puniſhment of fire,
into which the prieſts, thoſe miniſters of mercy
and peace, flung their biethren of the ſacerdotal or-
der, who had been deubtleſs too obſtinate, but
were men, at the ſame. time, of innocent lives,
and endowed with admirable courage:
May I be'permitted alſo to obſerve, that in the
proceedings of this council a man that had been
charged with all manner of crimes, was only di-
veſted of his honours; while two men accuſed of
having made falſe reaſonings, were ſentenced -t6 |
„
Such was the famo
toi.the 20th of May, 1418.
Neither the emperor, nor the fathers of the
council foreſaw the conſequences of the extcu-
tion of John Huſs and Jerome of Prague.
| | us council of "Conſtance,
which laſted from the firſt of November, 1413.
Out
of their aſhes aroſe a civil war; for the Bohe
mians looking upon this proceeding as art affront
done to their nation, imputed the death of their
countrymen to the revenge of the Germans, Who-
had withdrawn from the univerſity of Prague,
| They hkewiſe reproached the emperor with hav-
Ing violated the law of nations. And not long 4 9.
F 6
alter,
107
Of John Huſs, &c. Ch. 1x1.
after, when Sigiſmond wanted to ſucceed to his
brother Wenceſlaus in the kingdom of Bohemia,
he found, that though he was emperor, and king
of Hungary, yet the death of two private men
precluded his acceſſion to the Bohemian throne.
The avengers of John Huſs were no leſs than
forty thouſand men; a ſort of animals whom the
ſeverity of the council had rendered wild, and
let Jooſe upon the public. |
Every prieſt they met with, atoned with his
blood for the cruelty of the fathers of the council
of Conſtance. John, ſurnamed Ziſta, which ſig-
nifies Blind of one eye, defeated Sigiſmond in ſeve-
ral battles. This ſame Ziſka, having loſt the
only eye he had left, in an engagement, till
continued to head his troops, giving his counſel
to the general officers, and affiſting in their victo-
Ties. He gave orders, that after his death they
ſhould make a drum of his ſkin, which they
obeyed : and theſe very remains of Ziſka proved
a long time fatal to Sigiſmond, who, with difficul-
ty, in the ſpace of ſixteen years recovered Bohe-
mia, notwithſtanding the forces of Germany, and
the terror of crufades. Thus the violating his
ſafe conduct proved the cauſe of ſixteen years de-
folation,
.
Of Italy.
State of Europe towards the time of the council of
Conſtance.
| Of Italy.
EFLECTIN G on this very council, held:
in the preſence of the emperor, and of ſo
many princes and ambaſſadors, as likewiſe on
the depoſition of the ſupreme pontif, and that of
Wenceſlaus, we ſee that Europe then profeſſing
the catholic religion was an immenſe republic,
whoſe chiefs were the pope and the emperor,
and whoſe diſunited members conſiſted of king-
doms, provinces, and free cities, under twenty
different governments. There was no fort of
public affair in which the pope and the emperor
did not concern themſelves ; ſo that the ſeveral
parts of Chriſtendom correſponded with each
other in the midſt of diſcord. In fine, the ſtate
of Europe exactly reſembled that of ancient
Greece, excepting the difference of extent, and
- politeneſs. | |
Rome and Rhodes were two cities in common
to all Chriſtians of the Latin church; and they
had a common enemy, the Turkiſh ſultan, The
two chiefs of the catholic world, the emperor
and the pope, had an imaginary greatneſs, but
no real power. If Sigiſmond had not been poſ-
ſeſſed of the crowns of Bohemia and Hungary,
from which however he received no great reve-
nue, the title of emperor would have been a bur-
den to him. The demeſnes of the empire were
all alienated, The princes and Imperial cities
paid
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Of Hag. Ch. Ixii.
paid no tax nor tribute. The Germanic body
was as free, but not ſo well regulated, as it has
been ſince by the treaty of Weſtphalia. The title
of king of Italy was as empty as that of king of
Germany: for the emperor did not poſſeſs ſo
much as a ſingle city beyond the Alps.
To what cauſe it was owing that the Italians
did not eſtabliſn their liberty, and for ever ex-
clude all ſtrangers from ſetting foot in their coun-
try, is ſtill a hard problem to ſolve. They en-
deavoured at it; and there was a probability of
their ſucceeding. Italy was then in a flouriſhing
ſtate. The houſe of Savoy was increaſing its
territory, without being, as yet, formidable;
The ſovereigns of this province were counts,
who paid homage to the empire. Sigiſmond, who
could give titles, if nothing elſe, made them dukes
in 1416. Now they are independent kings, not-
withſtanding the title of feudatories. The Viſ-
contis were poſſeſſed of the whole Milaneſe, a
country which afterwards grew more conſiderable
under the Sforzas. - | |
The Florentines were remarkable for liberty;
wit, and commerce. We ſee nothing but petty:
ftates, all aſpiring to liberty, as far as the fron-
tiers of the kingdom of Naples. This ſyſtem of
Italy laſted from the death of Frederick II to the
times of pope Alexander VI and Julius II; a
period of about three hundred years. But theſe
three hundred years were ſpent in factions, jea-
loufies, and mutual encroachments of the ſeveral-
towns, or in the uſurpations of petty tyrants.” This
is a picture of ancient Greece. They cultivated
the arts, and they plotted ; but they did not _
Of 1talj.
how to fight like the heroes that fell at Thermo-
pylæ * and Marathon +. |
Look into Machiavel for the hiſtory. of Caſtra-
cani, the tyrant of Lucca and Piſtoia, in the reign
of the emperor Lewis of Bavaria, Succefs.or diſ-
appointment, in attempts of that kind, conſtitutes
the hiſtory of. Italy. A family of the city of Ve-
rona, whoſe name was Scala, and whom the French
call PEſcale, ſeized the government towards the
end of the thirteenth century, and reigned there
one hundred years. This family ſubdued Padua,
Vicenza, Trevigi, Parma, Breſcia, and other ter-
ritories, towards the year 1330. But in the fif-
teenth century there was not the leaſt veſtige of
this power. The Viſcontis, and the Sforzas dukes
of Milan, appeared later on the ſtage, and ſoon .
vaniſhed. Of all the lords who were in poſſeſſion
of the ſeveral parts of Romagna, Umbria, and
Emilia, there are not above. two or three families
remaining, who are now ſubject to the pope.
If you peruſe the annals: of the cities of Italy
you will not find one, in which there have not
been conſpiracies, conducted with as much art as
* A paſs only ſixty paces in breadth, between Phocis and
Theſſaly, and called the key of Greece, The Phocians built a
wall here to ſerve as a barrier againſt their enemies the Theſſa-
lians ; the openings left in the wall were called Pylæ, that is,
Gates; and from ſome hot baths, in the neighbourhood they took
che additional name of Therme. This defile is now called Becca di
Lupo, or Wolf's mouth, The paſſage was'defended by Leonidas
king of Sparta, with three hundred men againſt a mighty army
of Perſians under Xerxes. Leonidas was ſlain at this battle,
which was fought A. U. C. 274. See Herodot. Juſtin, Plut,
. Marathon was a ſmall town in Attica, famous for the victo
which twelve thouſand Athenians, under the command of Milti-
ades, obtained over the Perſian army, of above five hundred thou.
ſand, the third year of the 72 Olympiad, and 490 years before
Chriſt, © Ste Corn, Nepos, Juſtin, &c,
that
*
111
hw
— — — ——
daily, while
Of ah. Ch. Ixit.
that of Catiline, In thoſe petty ſtates they could
not raiſe armies either to attack or to defend:
theſe were often ſupplied by aſſaſſinations and
poiſonings. A popular inſurrection raiſed a per-
ſon to the ſovereignty : another depoſed him,
Thus it was that Mantua, for inſtance, paſſed
from tyrant to tyrant, till the houſe of Gonzaga
at length ſettled themſelves in. that principality in
1328. |
We alone has always preſerved her liberty,
for which ſhe is indebted to the ſea that environs
her, and to the prudence of her government.
Genoa, her rival, waged war againſt her, and
proved victorious towards the end of the four-
teenth my” but Genoa afterwards declined
enice gradually roſe till the time
of Lewis XII, and the emperor Maximilian,
when we ſhall ſee her ſtriking terror into all
Italy, and giving umbrage to the ſeveral powers
that conſpire againſt this commonwealth. Of all
the governments in Europe that of Venice was
the only one that could be faid to be well re-
gulated, ſtable, and uniform. It had but one ra-
dical defect, which was not however ſuch in the
eye of the ſenate ; it wanted a counterpoiſe to the
Patrician power, and an encouragement to the
Plebeians. In Venice no merit can raiſe a pri-
vate citizen, as in ancient Rome. The beauty
of the Engliſh conſtitution, fince the houſe of
commons have had a ſhare in the legiſlature, con-
fiſts in this counterpoiſe, the road to preferment
being ever open to thoſe who deſerve it. _
Piſa, though at preſent only a city dependent
on Tuſcany, was in the thirteenth and fourteenth
| | centuries,
— Q am EEE.
++ —
c
Of ltaly.
centuries, a famous republic, which fitted out as
numerous fleets as Genoa.
Parma and Placentia belonged to the Viſcontis.
The popes being reconciled to that family, grant-
ed them the inveſtiture thereof, becauſe the Viſcon-
tis would not aſk it of the emperor, whoſe power
at that time was extinct in Italy. The houſe of
Eſte, which produced the celebrated benefactreſs
of the holy ſee, the counteſs Matilda, was poſ-
ſeſſed of Ferrara and Modena. It held Ferrara
of the emperor Othol ; yet the pope claimed ſome
right to this city, and ſometimes granted the in-
veſtiture of it, as well as of ſeveral territories in Ro-
magna, which proved an eternal fource of con-
fuſion and diſcord.
During the tranſmigration of the holy ſee from
the banks of the Tiber to thoſe of the Rhone,
there happened to be two imaginary powers in
Italy, the emperor, and the pope, of whom all the
other princes received their diplomas to aſcer-
tain their rights or uſurpations: and when the pon-
tifical chair was reſtored to Rome, the popes had
no real power; while the emperors were almoſt
forgot till the reign of Maximilian. No foreigner
at that time poſſeſſed any dominions in Italy.
The houſe of Anjou, which had been ſettled at
Naples in 1266, and that of Arragon, which had
enjoyed the ſovereignty of Sicily ſince 1287, could
no longer be called foreigners. Thus Italy abound-
ing in riches, adorned with a number of flouriſhing
cities, and fruitful in men of genius, might put her-
ſelf into ſuch a ſtate of defence as no longer to re-
ceive the law from foreign nations. She had even
this advantage over Germany, that not one biſhop,
except the pope, had erected a ſovereignty 3 1
thole
113
114
Of Hah. Ch. Ixii.
thoſe different ſtates being ſubject to temporal
princes, were conſequently much fitter for mili-
tary operations. *
As Italy was diſturbed by diviſions, which ſome-
times are productive of public liberty, Germany
was much in the ſame confuſed ſituation, all the
great lords having ſome pretenſions or demands
upon each other. But Italy, as we have already
obſerved, never formed one body as Germany
did. The Teutonic phlegm has hitherto pre-
ſerved the conſtitution of their country ſound and
intire; while Italy, though of leſs extent than
Germany, could never mould itſelf into any kind-
of conſtitution : ſo that by its cunning and fineſſe
it is divided into ſeveral petty ſtates, which have
been ſubdued by foreign- nations. :
Naples and Sicily, which had been a formidable.
power under the Norman conquerors, were now
two ſeparate ſtates, jealous. of each other, and
avowed enemies, ſince the Sicilian veſpers. The
foibles of Joan I ruined Naples and Provence, of
which ſhe was ſovereign. Thoſe of Joan II,
which were ſtill more ſcandalous, completed their
ruin. This queen, the laſt of the family which
St. Lewis's brother tranſplanted into Italy, had
no ſort, of credit or influence in her kingdom,
during her whole reign. She was ſiſter of that
very Lancellot who made Rome tremble in the
times of confuſion that preceded the council of
Conſtance : but Joan II was far from being for-
midable. Her amours, and the intrigues of her
courtiers, proved the diſgrace and ruin: of her do-
minions. James of Bourbon, her ſecond huſ-
band, experienced her infidelity ; and when he
complained of it he was ſent to priſon, He ws
| 985 the
Of ltaly.
the good fortune to make his eſcape, when, to
conceal his grief, and what the world calls ſhame,
he ſhut himſelf up in a converit of Cordeliers at
Beſangon. |
This Joan II was, unknown to her, the cauſe
of two great events. The firſt was the elevation
of the Sforzas to the dukedom of Milan. The
ſecond was the war, which Charles VIII and
Lewis XII carried into Italy. The elevation of
the Sforzas is one of thoſe ſports of fortune, which
convince us that this world is made only for thoſe
who have power on their ſide, A peaſant named
Jacomuzio, who had been a ſoldier, and wha
changed his name for that of Sforza, roſe to be
the queen's favourite, conſtable of. Naples, and
ſtandard-bearer to the church ; in which poſts he
accumulated ſo much wealth, as enabled one of his
baſtards to conquer the dutchy of Milan.
The ſecond event, ſo fatal to Italy and to
France, was cauſed by adoptions. We have al-
ready ſeen how Joan I adopted Lewis I, of the
ſecond branch of Anjou, brother of Charles V
king of France. Theſe adoptions were a re-
mainder of the old Roman law: they conferred
the right of ſucceſſion, and the adopted prince
was Conſidered as a ſon; but the conſent of the
barons was requiſite, Joan II adopted firſt of all.
Alfonſo V, of Arragon, by the Spaniards ſur-
named the fage, and the magnanimous.. No ſooner
was this ſage and magnanimous prince acknow-
ledged the heir of Joan, than he diveſted her of
all authority, ſent her to. priſon, and was going
to take way her life. Francis Sforza, the ſon
of that illuſtrious peaſant Jacomuzio, ſignalized
his early years, and merited the grandeur to
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
which he afterwards roſe, by ſetting the bene-
factreſs of his father at liberty. Upon this the
queen adopted Lewis of Anjou, grandſon of him
who had been ſo ineffectually adopted by Joan I.
After the death of this prince, ſhe appointed
Rene of Anjou, brother of the deceaſed, her
heir, in 1435. This double adoption was long
a double ſource of diſcord betwixt France and
Spain. Rene of Anjou, who was called to the
ſovereignty of Naples by an adoptive mother,
and to that of Lorrain by his wife, proved un-
fortunate in both. He was intitled, Xing of Na-
ples, Sicily, Feruſalem, Arragon, Valentia, Ma-
jorca, and duke of Lorrain and Bar : yet he had
not a foot of ground in thoſe countries. This
multiplicity of uſeleſs tit es, founded on preten-
ſions that never had any effect, is a ſource of
confuſion in out modern hiſtories, which often-
times renders them difayreeable, if not ridiculous,
The hiſtory of Europe is grown an endleſs re-
giſter of marrizges, genealogies, and diſputed titles,
which render the narrative obſcure and unenter-
taining, at the ſame time that they ſtifle the me-
mory of great events, together with the know-
ledge of laws and manners, objects more worthy
of our attention.
>. Mt AP - Xt,
Of France and England, during the reigns of
8 Philip of Valois and Edward III.
XNGLAND recovered its ſtrength under
Edward 1, towards the end of the thir-
Fg | teenth
ana England, &c.
teenth century. This prince, who ſucceeded his
father Henry III, was indeed obliged to relinquiſh
Normandy, Anjou, and Tourraine, the patri-
mony of his anceſtors ; but ftill he preſerved
Guienne, and made himſelf maſter of the princi-
pality of Wales. He knew how to check the
temper of the Engliſh, and to excite them to
noble enterprizes; he likewiſe made their com-
meroe flouriſh, as far as was poſſible at that time.
The royal houſe of Scotland being extinct in
1291, he had the glory of being choſen arbitra-
tor by the pretenders to that crown. At firſt he
obliged the Scottiſh parliament to acknowledge,
that their crown was dependent on England;
and afterwards he nominated Baliol king, whom
he made his vaſſal. At length he took poſſeſſion
of Scotland for bimſelf, having conquered it in
ſeveral battles; but he could not keep it. Then
began that antipathy betwixt the Engliſh and the
Scots, which, notwithſtanding the union of the
two crowns, is not yet altogether extinguiſhed.
Under this prince it began to appear that the
Engliſh would not be long tributary to Rome;
for they made uſe of pretences to excuſe their
backward payment, and they cluded an authority
which they durſt not yet openly attac.
The Engliſh parliament aſſumed a new form
towards the year 1300, very near the ſame as it
now wears, The title of barons' and peers was
appropriated only to thoſe who fat in the upper
houſe; and the commons began to regulate the
ſupplies : in fine, Edward I gave a weight to the
lower houſe, in order to balance the power of the
barons. This prince, who had ſteadineſs and
abilities ſufficient to manage and not to fear them,
f formed
—
18
1312.
1316.
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
formed that kind of government which unites all
the advantages of monarchy, ariſtocracy, and de-
mocracy; but which has likewiſe the inconve-
niences of all three, and cannot ſubſiſt but un-
der a prudent king: his ſon was not ſuch, and
England was rent in pieces.
Edward I died as he was going once more to
conquer Scotland, which had been already thrice
ſubdued, and had thrice ſhaken off the yoke.
His ſon, who was 23 years of age, though at the
Head of a numerous army, abandonded his fa-
ther's ſchemes, to reſign himſelf up to pleaſures,
which ſeem more unbecoming à king of England
than any other ſovereign. His favourites pro-
voked the people, and ſtill more ſo the queen,
daughter of Philip the Fair, a wanton, imperious
woman, jealous of her huſband whom ſhe diſ-
honoured. The public adminiſtration was then
only a ſcene of fury, confuſion, and weakneſs.
A party in the parliament cauſed a favourite of
the monarch's, whoſe name was Gaveſton, to be
beheaded. The Scots took an advantage of theſe
troubles; they beat the Engliſh, and Robert Bruce
being made king of Scotland, reſtored that monar-
chy by the weakneſs of England, |
Ie is impoſſible to act more imprudently, and
of courſe more unfortunately than Edward II.
He ſuffered his provoked wife Iſabella to go over
to France with her ſon, who was afterwards the
fortunate and the celebrated Edward III.
Charles the Fair, brother of Iſabella, reigned
at that time in France: this prince followed the
policy of all kings, which is to ſow diſcord a-
mong their neighbours; in ſhort, he encouraged
his
and England, &c.
his ſiſter Iſabella to levy war againſt her huſ-
band.
Thus, under the pretence that the king of
England was in baſe ſubjection to a young favou-
Tite, named Spencer, his wife prepares to wage
war. She marries her ſon te a daughter of the
count of Hainaut and. Holland ; and perſuades
this count to lend her troops. At length ſhe re-
paſſes into England, and with armed force joins
the enemies of her huſband. Mortimer, her gal-
lant, attended her at the head of the troops, while
the king fled before them with his favourite
Spencer. | |
The queen ordered this favourite's father, an
old man of ninety, to be hanged at Briftol : and
119
ſhe afterwards inflicted the ſame puniſhment at 1326,
Hereford upon the favourite himſelf, who fell
into her hands. They tore from him, while he
hung upon the gallows, thoſe members, of which
it was pretended he had made a criminal uſe with
the monarch. |
At length the king, abandoned by all the
world, and à fugitive in his own kingdom, was
taken priſoner, removed to London, inſulted by
the populace, confined in the Tower, tried by
the parliament, and, by a ſolemn ſentence, de-
poſed from the throne. The crown was given to
his ſon who was only fourteen years of age, and
the regency to his mother aſſiſted by a council:
in fine, a penſion of about 60, ooo livres was al-
lowed the king during life.
Edward hardly lived a year after his diſgrace.
There were no marks of violence found on his
body after his death: but it is ſaid, that the
are
ran!: 327.
Of France Ch. Ixii,
a red hot iron into his bowels through a tube of
horn. |
Edward III ſoon puniſhed his mother : he was
yet a minor; but being impatient arid capable
of reigning, he one day ſeized on the perſon of
his mother's gallant, Mortimer, earl of March, in
7337, her own preſence : and the parliament condemn-
ed this favourite without hearing him, tn the ſame
manner as the Spencers had been treated. He
died by the hands of the common executioner,
not for having diſhonoured his king's bed, or for
having dethroned and murdered him, but for the
extortions and miſdemeanors of which the mini-
ſters of ſtate are generally accuſed. The queen
was confined to her houſe at Riſings *, with a
. penſion of 500 l. ſterling t, where ſhe wept in
ſolitude more for her misfortunes than for her
Ins. |
1332. Edward III being thus maſter, and ſoon abſo-
Jute maſter of the kingdom, began with the con-
queſt of Scotland ; when a new ſcene diſcloſed
itſelf in France. All Europe, in ſuſpence, ſtood
to ſee whether Edward would not acquire this
kingdom by the right of blood, as well as by the
word. 5
France, which contained neither Provence, nor
Dauphine, nor Franche-Comté, was ſtill a for-
midable kingdom; though its king was not yet
poſſeſſed of much power. The large dominions,
* Near London, She had a penſion of three thouſand a year
allowed-her, and lived twenty eight years in her confinement,
Where the king her ſon viſited her once or twice every year.
I This is a miſtake which Voltaire ſeems to have copied
from Rapin. Her penfion was 3000 J. per annum, See Knigh-
ſuch
w „ A... 1
and England, &c. 121
ſuch as Burgundy, Artois, Flanders, Britany, and
Guienne, which were held as fiefs of the crown,
contributed more to the uneaſineſs than to the
grandeur of the prince.
The demeſnes of Philip the Fair, with the im-
poſts on his immediate ſubjects, amounted to 1
fourſcore thouſand marks. When this prince
went to war with the Flemings in 1302, and al-
moſt all the vaſſals of France were obliged to con-
tribute to the expence of this armament, thoſe
who did not perform the campaign, were obliged q
to pay the fifth part of their annual income. The i
people were unhappy, and the royal family was L
ſtill more ſo. Few readers can be ignorant of the i
infamy, to which the three ſons of Philip the Fair
expoſed themſelves at the ſame time, by accuſing
their wives of adultery in open court. Theſe
ladies were all three condemned to cloſe confine-
ment ; Lewis the elder brother ftrangled his wife,
Margaret of Burgundy ; and the lovers of thoſe
princeſſes were ſentenced to a new kind of puniſh-
ment, to be flead alive. |
After the death of Lewis X, who, like his fa- 1316.
ther, had annexed Navarre to France, the public
attention was intirely taken up with the queſtion
concerning the Salic law. This king had left
only one daughter; and they had never examin-
ed in France, whether the females were capable
of inheriting the crown? Laws had been enact-
ed only according to the preſent occaſion ; the
had no knowledge of the ancient Salic laws; the
want of them had been ſupplied by the eſtabliſh-
ed cuſtoms ; and theſe cuſtoms were continually
changing in France. The parliament under] h-
lip the Fair had adjudged the province of A:1tois
Vol. II. (3 0
I22
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
to a female in prejudice to the next male heirs
The ſucceſſion of Champagne had been ſome-
imes ſettled upon the females, and at other times
taken from them. Philip the Fair took poſſeſſion
of Champagne merely in right of his wife, by
whom the princes of the family were excluded,
By this it appears, that right varicd according to
power, and that it was far from being a funda-
mental law of the ſtate to exclude a daughter from
her father's throne. To fay, as ſo many au-
thors have done, that the French crown is ſo noble,
that it cannot admit of women, is, I think, quite
puerile. And to pretend with Mezeray, that the
weakneſs of the ſex does not permit women to reign, is
doubly unjuſt. Beſides, the article of this an-
cient law, which deprives the females of the right
of inheriting in the Salic land, ſeems to be found-
ed on this, that every Salic lord was obliged to
appear in arms at the public aſſembly of the na-
tion, Now a queen is not obliged to bear arms ;
the nation does it for her: hence it may be af-
firmed, that the Salic law, a regulation in other
reſpects ſo little known, was relative to the other
fiefs, and not to the crown. 8o far was it
from being a law, in regard to kings, that it
has. been often digeſted under the title de allo-
diis *. If it was a law of the ancient Salii, it
muſt therefore have been made before there were
* Allodium is a freehold ellate, After the conqueſt of Gaul by
the northern nations, lands were divided in a two-fold manner,
in regard to private perſons ; into beneſicia and allodia; the for-
mer conſiſted in lands, which the prince granted to the ſoldiery,
either for life, or for a certain time; the latter were thoſe lands
the property of which was continued to the ancient owners. Sce
Du Moulin: and Hottoman, GS Os HEE
kings
and England, &c.
kings of France ; conſequently it could have no
relation to theſe kings.
Again, it is indubitable, that ſeveral fiefs were
not ſubject to this law; and by a much ſtronger .
reaſon might it be ſaid, that the crown ought not
to be ſubject to it. Theſe arguments were for
ſome time maintained by the duke of Burgundy, |
uncle of the princeſs, daughter of Lewis X, and
by ſeveral princeſſes of the blood, Lewis X had
two brothers, who in a ſhort ſpace of time, ſuc-
ceeded him one after the other: the eldeſt was
Philip the Long, and the youngeſt Charles the
Fair, Charles at that time not thinking that he
was ſo near to the crown, attacked the Salic law
. out of jealouſy of his brother.
Philip the Long took care to have it declared x
at'a meeting of ſome barons, prelates, and burgh-
ers of Paris, that the females ought to be ex-
cluded from the crown of France, But had the
oppolite party prevailed, they would have ſoon
made a fundamental law to the contrary, |
This Philip, who is ſcarce known but by hav-
ing excluded the biſhops from ſitting in parliament,
died after a very ſhort reign, and left no male
iſſue. The Salic Jaw was then confirmed the ſe-
cond time ; and Charles the Fair, who had op-
poſed it, ſucceeded to the crown without any man-
ner of diſpute, and excluded his brother's daugh-
ters.
At the death of Charles the Fair, the ſame
cauſe was to be again decided ; the queen was
wich child, and a regent was wanting to the king-
dom. Edward III pretended to the regency, as
grandſon of Philip the Fair by his mother's ſide;
and Philip of Valois took poſſeſſion of it in qua-
G 2 lity
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Of. France Ch. Ixiii.
| lity of firſt prince of the blood. The regency
was folemnly conferred upon him ; and upon the
queen dowager's being brought to bed of a daugh-
ter, he aſcended the throne with the conſent of the
nation. Therefore the Salic law, which excludes
the females from the crown, was impreſſed in their
hearts; and might be deemed fundamental in
virtue of an ancient and genera] agreement. There
is no other way to account for it. They are
made by nations, and by nations repealed. Who
can pretend to queſtion, but that if there remain-
ed of the royal blood of France only one princeſs
worthy to reign, the nation could and ought to
give her the crown?
At that time Philip of Valois had the ſurname
of Fortunate given him: he might alſo for a
while have been called the V:#orious and the Juſt;
for his vaſſal, the earl of Flanders, having by
his oppreſſive treatment, provoked his ſubjects to
revolt, he marched to the aſſiſtance of this prince;
and when the rebellion was quelled, he ſaid to
him, „Take care not to cauſe any more revolts
by your ill conduct.”
e might ſtill be called the Fortunate, when he
received at Amiens the ſolemn homage yielded to
him by Edward III. But this homage was ſoon
followed by a war; Edward diſputing the crown
with Philip, after he had declared himſelf his
vaſſal.
A brewer of the city of Ghent was the chief
promoter of this famous war, and the man who
determined Edward to take the title of king of
France. This brewer, whoſe name was James
of Artevelt, was one of thoſe ſubjects whom
princes
and England, &c.
princes ought either to ruin, or to keep fair with,
The prodigious weight he had in his country,
rendered him a fit tool for Edward ; but he re-
fuſed to exert this weight in favour of the king
of England, unleſs he would take upon him the
title of king of France, in order to make an irre-
concileable breach between the two monarchs,
Elward and the brewer ſigned the treaty at
Ghent, long before hoſtilities had commenced
againſt France,
I ſhall wave entering into any detail of the mi-
litary operations, in which there is generally a
great ſameneſs ; but ſtill confining myſelf to what
characterizes the manners of the times, I ſhall ob-
ſerve, that Edward challenged to fight Philip of
Valois ; the king of France however declined the
challenge, ſaying, that it did not become a lord
paramount to fight his vaſſal. |
In the mean time there happened a new event,
which ſeemed alſo to ſubvert the Salic law. Bri-
tany, a fief of the crown of France, had been
lately adjudged by the court of peers to Charles
of Blois, who had married the daughter of the
laſt duke; and the count of Montfort, this duke's 1341.
uncle, had been diſinherited. The laws were at
variance with the intereſts of princes. The kin
of France, who, one would think, ſhould have
maintained the Salic law in favour of the count
of Montfort, the male heir of the houſe of Bri-
tany, ſided with Charles of Blois, who claimed
by the females ; and the king of England, who
ought to have ſupported the right of the females
in Charles of Blois, declared for the count of
Montfort, |
: 9 I E Kine” NNN Se? 4; = . * —
n e AYES 3 \ 8
0 * 23 3 9 8 a” EY 8 FADE ar 3 22 6 -
LS . „ n
3 „ e * 1
2 ;
G 3 Upon
—ͤ —˙—— r
126
Aug.
2 6,
1346.
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
Upon this occaſion hoſtilities commenced be-
tween France and England, Montfort was at
firſt taken by ſurprize in Nants, and brought pri-
ſoner to Paris, where he was confined in the
Tower of the Louvre. His wife, the daughter
of the earl of Flanders, was one of thoſe gene-
rous heroines that appear but very rarely on the
ſtage of life, and from whoſe example the fable
of the Amazons has certainly been copied. Put-
ting herſelf at the head of her huſband's troops,
with a ſword in her hand, a helmet on her head,
and with her young ſon in her arms, ſhe bravely
defended the town of Hennebon, made ſallies,
fought in the breach, and at length, with the
aſſiſtance of the Engliſh fleet, obliged the enemy
to raiſe the ſiege.
In the mean time the Engliſh and French par-
ties carried on the war in Guienne, Britany, and
Normandy. At length, near the river Somme
was fought the bloody battle of Crecy betwixt
Edward and Philip of Valois. Edward had with
him his ſon the prince of Wales, who was called
the Black Prince, becauſe of his brown armour,
and the black plume of feathers in his helmet :
this young heroe had almoſt the whole honour
of the day. Some hiſtorians attribute the defeat
of the French to a few pieces of cannon, which
the Engliſh had in their army : it had been up-
wards of ten or twelve years ſince the uſe of ar-
tillery was firſt introduced. de.
It has been ſaid, that this invention of the Chi-
neſe was brought into Europe by the Arabians,
who traded in the Indian ſeas. But this account
is not probable. © The diſcovery of the fatal ſe-
cret
and England, &c.
eret was owing to a Benedictine, named Berthold
Schwartz *. There were others long before this
time that came very near it: and Roger Bacon,
another Benedictine +, had many years before
taken notice of the great exploſions produced by
ſaltpetre. But how comes it that the king of
France had not cannon in his army, as well as
the king of England? If the Engliſh had this
advantage, what is the reaſon that the French
hiſtorians impute the loſs of this battle to the
.Genoeſe croſs-bowmen, whom Philip had in pay?
The rain is ſaid to have wetted their bow ſtrings:
but why had not the rain the ſame effect on the
Engliſh ? It would have been better perhaps if
thoſe hiftorians had obſerved, that a king of
France, who took Genoeſe archers into his pay,
inſtead of diſciplining his own ſubjects, and who
had no artillery when the enemy had, did not de-
ſerve to be victorious,
It is very extraordinary, that whereas the uſe of
gunpowder could not but make an abſolute change
in the art of war, yet we cannot fix the date of
this change. A nation that could procure a good
* He was born at Friburg in Germany, and diſcovered the uſe
of gunpowder and fire-arms by means of chemical experiments,
In a treatiſe extant among the works of Albertus Magnus, this
Berthold Schwartz (or Black, which the word fignifies in Ger-
man) ſays, he was a Cordelier, and that he invented gunpowder
in priſon. See Polyd, Virg. de rer. invent. I. 2, c. 11.
+ This is a miſtake ; Roger Bacon was a Franciſcan friar,
who applied himſelf chiefly to Aſtronomy, Chemiſtry, and the
Mathematics, Having made very great diſcoveries in various
ſciences, he was accuſed of magic; but he cleared himſelf to
his general, who ſummoned him to Rome. He died at Oxford
in 1294, aged 78, His Opus Majus was printed at London in-
1-733, in folio, See Leland and Bale de Stript. Angl. As alſa
Biograph, Brit,
G 4. train
127
128
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
train of artillery, was ſure to be victorious, This
of all arts was the moſt pernicious; and there
was the preateſt neceſſity for improving it. Ne-
vertheleſs, till the reign of Charles VIII, it con-
tinued in its infancy; ſuch is the force of inve-
terate cuſtoms, and ſo flow is the progreſs of hu-
man induſtry, They did not make ule of artil-
lery in ſieges till the reign of Charles V king of
France ; and the ſpear was their principal weapon,
till the latter end of the reign of Henry IV.
It is pretended, that at the battle of Crecy the
Eng!iſh had only 2500 horſemen in complete ar-
mour, and 40,000 foot; and that the French
had 40,000 foot, and very near 3000 gendarms.
"Thoſe who. moſt diminiſh the loſs on the fide of
the French, ſay that it amounted only to 20,000
men. T he count de Blois, who had been one
of the pretended cauſes of the war, was killed in
this battle; and the day following the troops of
the commons of the kingdom were alſo defeated.
Edward, after two victories obtained within two
days, took the town of Calais, which the Eng-
liſh kept poſſeſſion of 210 years.
This war, which was carried on at the ſame
time in Guienne, Britany, Normandy, and Pi-
cardy, exhauſted France and England of men and
money, And yet this was not a fit time to de-
ſtroy mankind for the purpoſes of ambition: they
ſhould rather have united againſt a ſcourge of an-
other kind. A deadly peſtilence, which had made
the circuit of the world, and depopulated Aſia and
1347, Africa, was lately come to ravage Europe, and
vnd
1348.
eſpecially France and England.
This peſtilence is ſaid to have carried off a
fourth part of the human ſpecies. It was one of
thoſe
and England, &c.
thoſe cauſes that have prevented mankind from
multiplying in this part of the world, to that
proportion as one would naturally expect.
Mezeray, with many others, ſays, that this
peſtilence came from China, and that an exhala-
tion iſſued out of the earth like a globe of fire,
which burſted, and ſpread its infection over our
hemiſphere. This is giving a fabulous origin to
a rea), too real, calamity. In the firſt place, we
never find that a meteor of that ſort is productive
of the plague. Secondly, the Chineſe annals do
not make mention of a contagious diſtemper till
towards the year 1504. The plague is properly
a diſtemper that belongs to the center of Africa;
as the ſmall-pox to Arabia; and as the poiſon that
infects the ſource of life, to the Caribbee iſlands.
Every climate has its particular poiſon on this
wretched globe, where nature has chequered good
and evil, This peſtilence of the fourteenth cen-
tury was like thoſe which depopulated the earth
under Juſtinian, and at the time of Hippocrates..
It was while this ſcourge ſpread itſelf with the:
greateſt violence, that Edward and Philip ſtrove:
to reign over agonizing bodies,
After ſuch a long ſeries of calamities, after the:
elements and human paſſions had conſpired to de-
ſolate the earth, it is ſurpriſing that Europe ſhould.
be ſtill in ſo flouriſhing a condition. The only
reſource of the human ſpecies was in a few towns,
which were deſpiſed by the great ſovereigns.
Commerce and induſtry has inſenfibly repaired.
the miſchief done by thoſe princes. England,
under Edward III, was richly indemnified for the
treaſure expended by her monarch in his military
expeditions : ſhe ſold her wool, and Bruges worked
G 5 It.
130
1349.
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
it up, The Flemings employed themſelves in
manufactures ; the Hanſe towns formed a republic
molt ſerviceable to mankind ; and the arts were
ſupported in the free trading cities of Italy.
Theſe arts want only to ſhoot up to maturity: as
ſoon as the great ſtorms blow over, they are
tranſplanted, as it were, of themſelves, to the ra-
vaged provinces that ſtand in need of their aſſiſt-
ance, 55
Under theſe circumſtances died Philip of Va-
lois; a prince who was far from carrying to his
tomb the title of Fortunate. Yet he had united
Dauphine to the crown a little before his death.
The laſt prince of this country having loſt his chil-
dren *, and being tired of the wars which he had
waged againſt Savoy, gave the province of Dau-
phine to the king of France in 1349, and put on
the Dominican habit at Paris,
This province was called Dauphine, becauſe
one of its ſovereigns had quartered a dauphin in
his arms. It conſtituted part of the kingdom of
Arles, which was an Imperial domain. By this
acquiſition the king of France became a feudatory
to the emperor Charles IV. That the emperors
aſſerted their rights to this province till the reign
of Maximilian I, is very certain: and the German
civilians pretend it ought to be ſtill a dependance
of the empire. The ſovereigns think otherwiſe,
Nothing is mote ridiculous than theſe reſearches :
they might as well pretend to aſſert the rights
of the German emperors to Egypt, becauſe it had
been ſubject to Auguſtus. hy. WO
'* The name of this prince was Humbert II. He was the laſt
of the houſe of La tour du Pin; and died in 135*,
Philip
and Englard, &c.
Philip of Valois made a further addition of
Rouſſillon and Sardinia to his dominions, by
lending money to the king of Majorca, of the
houſe of Arragon, who gave him theſe provinces
as a ſecurity ; provinces which Charles VIII at-
terwards reſtored, without being reimburſed. He
likewiſe acquired Montpellier, which the crown
has preſerved ever ſince. It is very ſurpriſing, that
during ſo unfortunate a reign, he was able to pur-
chaſe theſe provinces, and likewiſe to pay a great
ſum for Dauphine. The duty upon ſalt, which was
called the Salic law *, the raiſing of the land-tax,
the debaſing of the coin; enabled him to make.
theſe purchaſes. The ſtate was enlarged, but im-
poveriſhed ; and though this prince had once the
name of Fortunate, his people could never pre-
tend to this title. Yet in the reign of his fon
John they had reaſon to regret the time of Philip:
of Valois.
But the event moſt intereſting to the people,
during this reign, was the appeul to a general.
council, which the parliament introduced gradual -
ly, by the care of the ſolicitor-general Peter
Cugniers. The clergy made loud: complaints
againſt this uſage, but the king was pleaſed to
connive at it, and not to oppoſe a remedy by
which his authority and the laws of the ſtates
were preſerved. This appeal to a general coun-
cil, thrown in by the parliaments of the king
dom, i is uſed as a complaint againſt unjuſt or un
due ſentences pronounced by the eccleſiaſtic coutts,,
* Edward MII, king of Enpland, uſed to call Philip of Va! ola.
by way of joke, the author of the Salic lau. Vet Henault b
ſerves, that Philip the Long was the Grit who laid a Cure on fair
EO”
(+ t5 4 5 ;
Of France Ch. Ixiii.
it up. The Flemings employed themſelves in
1349.
manufactures; the Hanſe towns formed a republic
moſt ſerviceable to mankind; and the arts were
ſupported in the free trading cities of Italy.
Theſe arts want only to ſhoot up to maturity: as
ſoon as the great ſtorms blow over, they are
tranſplanted, as it were, of themſelves, to the ra-
vaged provinces that ſtand in need of their aſſiſt-
ance. a:
Under theſe circumſtances died Philip of Va-
lois; a prince who was far from carrying to his
tomb the title of Fortunate, Yet he had united
Dauphine to the crown a little before his death.
The laſt prince of this country having loſt his chil-
dren *, and being tired of the wars which he had
waged againſt Savoy, gave the province of Dau-
phine to the king of France in 1349, and put on
the Dominican habit at Paris,
This province was called Dauphine, becauſe
one of its ſovereigns had quartered a dauphin in
his arms. It conſtituted part of the kingdom of
Arles, which was an Imperial domain. By this
acquiſition the king of France became a feudatory
to the emperor Charles IV. That the emperors
aſſerted their rights to this province till the reign
of Maximilian 1, is very certain : and the German
civilians pretend it ought to be ſtill a dependance
of the empire. The ſovereigns think otherwiſe.
Nothing is mote ridiculous than theſe reſearches :
they might as well pretend to aſſert the rights
of the German emperors to Egypt, becauſe it had
been ſubject to Auguſtus. Woe
The name of this prince was Humbert IT, He was the laft
of the houſe of La tour du Pin; and died in 135*,
Philip
and Englard, &c.
Philip of Valois made a further addition of
Rouflilon and Sardinia to his dominions, by |
lending money to the king of Majorca, of the |
houſe of Arragon, who gave him theſe provinces |
as a ſecurity ; provinces which Charles VIII et- |
terwards reſtored, without being reimburſed. He |
likewiſe acquired Montpellier, which the crown
has preſerved ever ſince. It is very ſurpriſing, that
during fo unfortunate a reign, he was able to pur-
chaſe theſe provinces, and likewiſe to pay a great
ſum for Dauphine. The duty upon ſalt, which was
called the Salic law *, the raiſing of the land-tax,
the debaſing of the m enabled him to make.
theſe purchaſes. The ſtate was enlarged, but im-
poveriſhed ; and though this prince had once the
name of Fortunate, his people could never pre-
tend to this title, Yet in the reign of his fon
John they had reaſon to regret the time of Philip:
of Valois.
But the event moſt intereſting to the people,
during this reign, was the affpecl- to a general.
council, which the parliament introduced gradual -
ly, by the care of the ſolicitor-general Peter
Cugniers. The clergy made loud: complaints
againſt this uſage, but the king was pleaſed to
connive at it, and not to oppoſe a remedy by
which his authority and the laws of the ſtates
were preſerved. This appeal to a general coun-
cil, thrown in by the parliaments of the king
dom, is uſed as a complaint againſt unjuſt or un
due ſentences pronounced by the ecclefiaſtic coui *
* Edward MI, king of England, uſed to call Philip of Valols.
by way of joke, the author of the Salic laau. Vet Henault „b
ſerves, that Philip the Long was the ict who laid a duty on fait.
9 -
2 t) ; 35"
132
1335s
Of France Ch. Ixiv.
as a denunciation of encroachments on the regal
Juriſdiction, as an oppoſition to thoſe papal bulls
which may be contrary to the rights and privileges
of the king and his ſubjects. |
This remedy, or rather palliative, was only a
faint imitation of the famous ſtatute of Premu-
nire, made in the reign of Edward III; a law
which ordains that whoſoever ſues another in the
ſpiritual court, for any thing that may be deter-
mined by the temporal bear Ravi ſhall be impri-
ſoned. The Engliſh have often ſhewn the way to
other nations, in matters regarding the liberties
of the people,
Wannen
CHAP, LXIV.
Of France during the reign of king Fohn.
HE reign of king John was ſtill more un-
| fortunate than that of Philip. John, who
was ſurnamed the Good, began his reign with
ordering the count d'Eu, * 2 of France, to
be aſſaſſinated in his own palace: and ſoon after
his couſin and ſon-in-law, the king of Navarre,
cauſed the new conſtable to be murdered. This
king of Navarre, Charles the Little, ſon of Lewis X,
king of Navarre in right of his mother, and prince
of the blood by his father's ſide, was one of the
ſcourges of France as well as king John, and
ſoon merited the title of Charles the Bad.
The king having been obliged: to pardon him
in full parliament, arreſted him afterwards for
crimes of an inferior kind, and without any form
under king Jobn.
of trial cauſed four lords of his party to be be-
headed, Such cruel executions were the conſe-
quence of a weak government. This was pro-
ductive of cabals, which were attended with ſe-
vere puniſhments, and theſe with repentance.
John, who was called the Good, began his
reign with reviving the baſe coin which had been
current in his father's time, and threatened to
put the officers to death, who were intruſted with
the ſecret. This abuſe was the effect, and at the
ſame time a proof of moſt calamitous times, Mis-
fortunes and abuſes at length called out for laws.
France for ſome time had the ſame form of go-
vernment as England. The kings ſummoned the
ſtates-general, who were ſubſtituted to the an-
cient parliaments of the nation, * Theſe ſtates
were like the Engliſh parliaments, compoſed of
the nobility, the biſhops, and deputies of the
towns : and the new parliament reſiding at Paris,
was very near the ſame thing as the court of
king's-bench at London. The chancellor was
the ſecond officer of the crown in both kingdoms
in England he was the ſpeaker of the houſe of
lords, and had a juriſdiction over the king's-
bench. In France the chancellor's authority
was the ſame; and what evidently demonſtrates
that the ſame principles of government were eſta-
bliſhed both at Paris and in London, was, that
the ſtates-general, in 1355, made John king of
France ſign almoſt the {ame regulations, and the
ſame charter as had been ſigned by John king of
England. The ſubſidies, their duration, and the
value of money, were all ſettled by that aſſem-
bly. The king engaged never to compel his ſub-
jects to furniſh his family with proviſions, not to
make
*
133
334
Of France Ch. Ixiv.
make uſe of their carriages or beds without pay-
ing for them, nor to alter the coin, &c.
Theſe ſtates-general of 1355, the moſt me-
morable that were ever held, are taken very little
notice of by our hiſtorians. Father Daniel ſays
no more of them than that they were held in the
hall of the new parliament, He ought to have
added, that the parliament was not perpetual at
that time, and had no ſeat in this great aſſembly.
In fact, the provoſt of the merchants of Paris, as
the natural deputy of the firſt city in the king-
dom, ſpoke in the name of the third eſtate. But
a very eſſential point of hiſtory, upon which they
have been intirely ſilent, is, that thoſe: ſtates laid
a ſublidy of about a hundred and ninety thouſand
marks of ſilver, to pay thirty thouſand gendarms;
that is, nine millions five hundred thouſand livres
of our preſent currency, Thoſe thirty thouſand
gendarms compoſed. at leaſt an army of fourſcore
thouſand men, which was to be joined by the com-
mons of the kingdom; and when the year ex-
pired, they were to raiſe a new ſubſidy for the
ſupport of the ſame army. We muſt conclude.
with. obſerving, that this kind of great charter
was only a tranſient regulation, whereas that of
England proved: a laſting fundamental law.
But at length the Black Prince, with a ſmall
but formidable army, advanced towards. Poitiers,
and ravaged all that country which had formerly
belonged to his anceſtors. King John marched
againſt him with an army of very near 60,000
men. It is well known, that if the French
king had declined coming to an engagement, he
might have ſtarved the whole Englith army.
It
under king Jobn.
If the Black Prince committed a fault in ven-
turing too far, king John was guilty of a much
greater one in attacking him. This battle of
Maupertuis or Poitiers, very much reſembled that 1356.
in which Philip of Valois was defeated. There
was great order in the Black Prince's little army;
the French were only brave: but the valour of
the Engliſh, and of the Gaſcoons, who ſerved
under the prince of Wales, carried the day. There
is no mention made of any cannon in either of
the armies. This ſilence of hiſtorians gives us
room to doubt whether there was any at Crecy;
or it ſnews, that having had little or no effect at
that battle, it was diſcontinued ; or it proves how
tenacious mankind are of ancient uſages, fo as
even to negle new advantages; or, in ſhort, it
demonſtrates the neglect of cotemporary hiſto-
rians. The chief of the nobility of France were
ſlain ; the reſt ran away; and the king being
wounded in the face was taken priſoner with one
of his ſons. It is a circumſtance worthy of no-
tice, that this monarch ſurrendered to one of his
ſubjects, whom he had baniſhed, and who was
now in the enemy's ſervice. The ſame thin
happened afterwards to Francis I. The Black
Prince conducted both his prifoners to Bourdeaux,
from whence they were conveyed to London. It
is well known with what politeneſs he treated
the captive king ; a moderation which added new
liftre to his glory. He made his entrance into
London upon a little black horſe, and rode on
the left hand of his priſoner, who was mounted
on a ſteed remarkable for his beauty and fine
trappings,
'The
136
1357.
Of France Ch. Ixiv.
The king's confinement produced a civil war.
in the city of Paris; every ambitious perſon
thinking then to form a party. Under a pre-
tence of reformation factions were eſtabliſhed.
Charles, Dauphin of France, who was afterwards
the wiſe king Charles V, was declared regent,
and faw almoſt the whole kingdom revolt againſt
him.
Paris at. that time began to be a formidable
city; it contained 50, ooo men able to bear
arms. It was then they invented the uſe of
chains in the ſtreets, which ſerved for a barrier
againſt the ſeditious. Charles the Dauphin was
obliged to recal the king of Navarre, whom the
king his father had ſent to priſon; and this in-
deed was letting his enemy looſe againſt himſelf.
The king of Navarre arrives at Paris to blow
the coals of ſedition, Marcel, the provoſt of the
merchants of Paris, enters the Louvre, followed
by the malecontents ; and cauſes Robert of Cler-
mont, marſhal of France, together with the mar-
ſhal of Champagne, to be maſlacred in the. pre-
ſence of the Dauphin. In the mean time the
peaſants tumultuouſly aſſemble from all parts, and
in the general confuſion attack every gentle-
man they meet with, behaving towards them with
the ſame licentious fury as rebel-ſlaves behave to-
wards rigid maſters, whom they have been ſo for-
tunate as to overpower. By a thouſand barbari-
ties they conſole themſelves for their mean con-
dition and miſery, carrying their fury ſo far as
to roaſt a nobleman in his caſtle, and to compel
his wife and his daughters to eat the fleſh,
In the midſt of theſe convulſions, Charles of
Navarre aſpired to the crown; and the 8
an
under king John.
and he waged war againſt each other, which end-
ed only in a diſſembled peace. France was thus
rent in pieces for the ſpace of four years after the
battle of Poitiers. How comes it that Edward
and the prince of Wales did not take advantage
of their victory, and of the misfortunes of the
conquered ? It ſeems as if the Engliſh were afraid
of the grandeur of their prince, and therefore
were {low in their ſupplies : hence Edward was
treating about the ranſom of his priſoner, while
the Black Prince was concluding a truce,
It appears to me that there were faults com-
mitted on all ſides, But we cannot conceive how
all our hiſtorians ſhould have the ſimplicity to
affirm, that king Edward III going to reap the
benefit of the two victories of Crecy and Poi- 1360.
tiers, and advancing within a few leagues of Pa-
ris, was ſuddenly ſeized with a ſacred horror, in
conſequence of a dreadful ſtorm ; upon which he
flung himſelf upon his knees, and made a vow tothe
Virgin Mary that he would grant a peace. The
will of conquerors, or the fate of kingdoms, have
been ſeldom determined by ſtorms; and if Ed-
ward III made ſuch a vow to the Virgin Mary,
it was certainly a very good vow to him. He de-
manded for the king's ranſom, Poitou, Saintonge,
Agenois, Perigord, Limouſin, Quercy, Angou-
mois, Rouvergue, and all that he had poſſeſſed
himſelf of in the neighbourhood of Calais, the
whole in full ſovereignty : beſides three millions
of crowns, I am ſurprized he did not likewiſe
inſiſt upon Normandy and Anjou his ancient pa-
trimony.
By this treaty Edward ceded to John the title
of king of France, and his rights to Normandy,
Tour-
.138
Of France Ch. Ixiv,
Tourraine, and Anjou. It is true, that the an-
cient demeſnes which the Engliſh kings poſſeſſed
in France, were much more conſiderable than
what was yielded to them by this peace; yet even
this was a fourth part of the kingdom. At length
John was releaſed after four years confinement,
upon delivering up his brother, and two of his
ſons, as hoſtages. One of the greateſt difficul-
ties was to pay the ranſom ; for it was ſtipulated
that he ſhould remit 600,000 crowns for the firſt
payment. France was then exhauſted, and could
not furniſh the money ; ſo that they were obliged
to recal the Jews, and to ſell them the privilege
of living and trading in the country. The king
himſelf was obliged to pay for the neceſlaries of
his houſhold, in leather money, in the middle of
which there was a little nail of filver. His po-
verty and misfortunes ſtripped him of all authori-
ty, and the kingdom of all ſort of good govern-
ment.
The diſbanded ſoldiers, and the peaſants who
had learnt ſomething of the art of war, formed
themſelves into parties in the different provinces,
but eſpecially beyond the Loire. One of their
chiefs took the name of the friend of God, and
enemy to all the world. A 2 100 of Sens, named
John of Gouge, was declared king by theſe ban-
ditti, and did almoſt as much miſchief by his
depredations, as the lawful king had done by his
unfortunate enterprizes. At length, what is moſt
ſurpriſing, the king in the midſt of this general
deſolation went to Avignon, where the popes
then reſided, to revive the ancient projects of the
cruſades.
A king
under king John.
A king of Cyprus was come to ſolicit this ex-
pedition againſt the Turks, who had already broke
into Europe. Probably king John thought only
of quitting his native country ; but inſtead of go-
ing to make this chimerical expedition againſt the
Turks, finding himſelf unable to diſcharge the re-
mainder of his ranſom to the Engliſh, he return-
ed to London to ſurrender himſelf up as hoſtage
in the place of his brother and his children. 'There
he died, and his ranſom was never paid. To
complete his humiliation, it is ſaid, that the mo-
tive of his return to England was to ſee a woman,
129
1363.
whom he fell in love with at the age of fifty-lix. -
Britany, which had been the cauſe of this war,
was abandoned to its fate, The count of Blois,
and the count of Montfort, diſputed this province:
Montfort having eſcaped from his confinement at
Paris, and Blois from his at London, decided the
quarrel near Avray in a pitched battle. The Eng-
Iiſh ſtill prevailed ; and the count of Blois was
ſlain.
This age of barbarouſneſs, ſedition, rapine,
and murder, was nevertheleſs the period in which
chivalry flouriſhed the moſt. It ſerved as a coun-
terpoiſe to the general ferocity of manners. We
ſhall treat of it ſeparately in another place. Its
principles were honour, and generoſity, joined
with gallantry. The moſt celebrated atchieve-
ment in chivalry is the combat of thirty Britons
againſt twenty Engliſh, fix Britons, and four Ger-
mans, at the time when the counteſs of Blois in
her huſband's name, and Montfort's widow in
her ſon's name, were waging war againſt each
other in Biitany in 1351. The motive of the
combat was a point of honour ; for it had been re-
ſol ved
1364.
Of France under king Jobn. Ch. Ixiv.
ſolved upon at a conference held for ſettling a
peace. Inſtead of negotiating, they challenged ;
and Beaumanoir, who was at the head of the
Britons for the counteſs of Blois, ſaid, they ſhould
fight to ſee who had the handſomeſt mifireſs. They
fought in an inclofed ground. Of the ſixty com-
batants there were only five knights killed, one
on the ſide of the Britons, and four Engliſh,
This confirms an obſervation we made before,
that a complete ſuit of armour rendered them al-
moſt invulnerable, and that it was much eaſier
to throw a knight upon the ground, than to kill
him. All theſe atchievements of chivalry availed
nothing; and eſpecially were no remedy againſt
the want of diſcipline in the troops, and of order
in the civil adminiſtration, If the Paulus Emi-
lius's and the Scipio's had encountered thus
to decide which had the faireſt miſtreſs, the
Romans would never have been the conquerors
and legiſlators of the world.
At the time when Charles V, ſurnamed the
Wiſe, came to the crown, he found the king-
dom in a moſt exhauſted and deſolate condition;
ſo that he was obliged to have recourſe to pati-
ence, to intrigues, and to negotiations, before he
could repair the miſchiefs which had ariſen from
his father's misfortunes. But the Black Prince
being now abſolute maſter of Guienne, which
his father Edward had reſigned to him in full ſo-
vereignty as a reward for his valour, ſoon added
new glory to that which he had acquired by the
victories of Crecy and Poitiers.
CHAP.
gs K „ Ray tak wu tr ws oo A yet op pans gaps in \_O
Sunn a % % t=o ima 8RDva oc oo.
Of the Black Prince, &c.
CHAP. LXV.
Of the Black Prince, the king of Caſtile, Don Pe-
dra the Cruel, and the conſlable du Gueſclin.
ASTILE was almoſt in as miſerable a
141
condition as France: Peter or Don Pedro,
ſurnamed the Cruel, who ſat upon that throne, is
repreſented to us as a tiger that thirſted after hu-
man blood, and that felt a joy in ſpilling it. I
dare affirm, that there is no ſuch character in
human nature. Sanguinary men are only ſuch
in the tranſports of revenge, or in the exertion
of that horrid policy, which looks upon cruelty
as a neceſſary meaſure ; but no man ever ſpills
| blood merely for pleaſure,
This prince aſcended the throne when he was
yet a minor, and in very unfavourable circum-
| ſtances. His father Alfonſo IX. had had ſeven
| baſtards by his miſtreſs Eleanor of Guſman : theſe
| baſtards had ſuch conſiderable ſettlements, that
they defied the royal authority; and their mother,
who had {till more power than they, inſulted the
queen dowager. Caſtile was thus divided be-
tween two parties, one who held with the queen-
mother, and the other with Eleanor. When the
king came to the age of one and twenty, he
was obliged to maintain a civil war againſt the
faction of the baſtards : he fought, and overcame,
and put Eleanor to death to ſatisfy his mother's
revenge. So far he may be ſaid to have been
brave but too ſevere. He then marries Blanche 1351.
of Bourbon ; and the firſt news he hears concern-
ing his wife, upon her arrival at Valladolid, is,
of
| that ſhe is fallen in love with the grand maſter
— —
— —
*
9 1 _ . =
— 38 — — — x A —
2 ĩVuũ „ ð
—
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Ml —— —
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Of the Black Prince, Ch. Ixv.
of St. Jago, one of thoſe very, baſtards who had
waged war againſt him. I am not ignorant that
intrigues” of this nature are ſeldom proved, that a
prudent prince in ſuch a caſe ought rather to pre-
tend ignorance, than to ſeek for revenge: but af-
ter all the king was excuſable, ſince there is ſtill
a family in Spain, which boaſts of being deſcend-
ed from this adulterous commerce.
Blanche of Bourbon was at leaſt ſo imprudent
as to enter into too cloſe a connection with the
faction of the baſtards, her huſband's enemies.
Can we then be ſurprized, that the king left her
in a caſtle, and conſoled himſelf with other a-
mours ?
Don Pedro was then obliged to fight at the ſame
time againſt the king of Arragon, and agatnſt his
rebellious brothers: but victory ſtil] followed him;
and indeed he made a cruel uſe of it. He ſeldom
forgave; ſo that his relations who had appeared
in arms againſt him, were ſacrificed to his reſent-
ment: in fine, he ordered this grand maſter of St.
Jago to be put to death. This is all that he did
to deſerve the ſurname of Cruel; whereas John,
king of France, who had murdered the conſtable
of France, and four Norman lords, was called
John the Good. ie
During theſe troubles the wife of Don Pedro
died; and as ſhe had been guilty of crimes, it
was of courſe ſaid that ſhe died by poiſon. But
once more I ſay it, that we ought not to bring
this charge without ſufficient proof.
Doubtleſs it was the intereſt of the enemies of
Don Pedro, to have it ſpread all over Europe that
his wife died of poiſon.” Henry of Tranſtamare,
one of thoſe baſtards, who had his brother's and
1 his
/ ˙—üs d y
oe. =” Qo ef
a my of
my CS Yo
Peter the Cruel, &c.
his mother's death to revenge, and likewiſe his
own intereſts to maintain, availed himfelf of this
conjuncture. France was at that time infeſted by
thoſe united banditti, called Malandrins, who did
all the miſchief which Edward had not been able
to commit. Henry of Tranſtamare entered into
a treaty with Charles V. king of France, to free
the kingdom from thoſe robbers, and to take
them into his ſervice, The king of Arragon,
conſtantly an enemy to the Caſtilian, promiſed
to grant them a paſſage. Bertrand du Gueſclin,
a knight of great reputation, who only ſought
for an occaſion to diſtinguiſh himſelf, engaged
the Malandrins to acknowledge him as their
chief, and to follow him to Caſtile. This enter-
prize of Bertrand du Gueſclin has been conſider-
ed as an holy action, which he is ſaid to have
performed for the good of his ſoul; a holy action,
which conſiſted in leading a gang of robbers, to
aſſiſt a rebel againſt a cruel but legitimate king.
Paſſing by Avignon, du Gueſclin happened to
want money to pay his troops; upon which he
demanded à conſiderable ſum of the pope and
his court, and obliged them to pay it. This in-
deed was a neceſſary extortion; but I dare not
mention the name they would have given it, if it
had not been made at the head of a body of men
which might paſs for an army.
The baſtard Henry affifted by theſe troops 1366.
which had increaſed in their march, and likewiſe
ſupported by Arragon, began with cauſing him
ſelf to be proclaimed king in the town of Bur-
gos. Don Pedro thus attacked by the French,
had recourſe to the Black Prince their conqueror.
This prince, who was ſovereign of Guienne,
and
144
1368.
Of the Black Prince,
and conſequently muſt have beheld with a jealous
eye the ſucceſs of the French arms in Spain,
through intereſt and honour eſpouſed the juſteſt
ſide. He marched into Spain with his Gaſcoons,
and ſome Engliſh ; and ſoon on the banks of the
Ebro near the village of Navarette, was fought
the bloody battle of that name between Don
Pedro and the Black Prince on the one fide, and
Henry of Tranſtamare and du Gueſclin on the
other, The Black Prince here acquired more
glory than at Crecy and Poitiers, becauſe the
battle was longer diſputed. His victory was com-
plete; for he took Bertrand du Gueſclin, and the
marſhal of Andrehen, priſoners, who would ſur-
render to none but him, Henry of Tranſtamare
was obliged to fly to Arragon, and the Black
Prince re-eſtabliſhed Don Pedro on the throne,
Don Pedro treated ſeveral of the rebels with a
ſeverity which the laws of all governments au-
thorize by the name of juſtice : in ſhort, he uſed
the unhappy right of revenging himſelf in its full
extent. The Black Prince had not only the
glory of reſtoring him to his crown, but likewiſe
of putting a ſtop to his cruelties; and indeed he
is next to Alfred the hero, whom the Engliſh
hold moſt in veneration.
As ſoon as the prince who ſupported Don Pe-
dro had retired, and Bertrand du Gueſclin had
paid his ranſom, the baſtard of Tranſtamare re-
vived the party of the malecontents, and Ber-
trand du Gueſclin, who was ſecretly employed
by king Charles V. began to raiſe new troops.
On e ide were Arragon, the re-
bels of Caſtile, and the French ſuccours: Don
Pedro had not only the beſt part of the ian:
| wit
Of France and England, &c. 145
with him, but alſo Portugal, and the Moors of
Spain : but theſe new allies rendered him more
odious, without being of much ſervice to him,
Tranſtamare and du Gueſclin having no longer
the genius and fortune of the Black Prince to
contend with, gained at length a complete vic-
tory in the neighbourhood of Toledo. Don Pe- 1568.
dro retired ater his defeat to a caſtle, which the
laid ſiege to; and endeavouring to make his eſ-
cape, he was taken priſoner by a French gentleman,
named le Begue de Vilaines. Upon being led to
this knight's tent, the firſt object he faw, was the |
count of Tranſtamare; when tranſported with |
rage, he flew, though diſarmed, at his brother, |
mw_ with a poniard immediately put an end to his |
« ife.
Thus periſhed Don Pedro at the age of thirty |
four, and with him ended the race of Caſtile, |
, His enemy came to the crown without any other |
1 right than that of the (word : and from him de- |
| ſcended the kings of Caſtile, who reigned in
e Spain, till Joan transferred this ſceptre to the |
2 houſe of Auſtria, by marrying Philip the Fair, |
e father of Charles V. |
* |
88 88.8.8888. 8.8 88 88888888888
f | CHAP. LXVI. |
* Of France and England, during the reign of
a Charles V.
e- F policy of Charles V. by degrees ſaved
on F rance from ruin: while the neceſſity of
ns weakening the conquerors, Edward III. and the
th Vor, II. H Black
146-
Of France and England, Ch. Ixvi.
Black Prince, feemed to juſtify his proceedings.
He took advantage of the father's old age, and
of the ſickly ſtate of the ſon, who was attacked
with a dropſy, of which he died in 1376. He
ſoon knew how to ſow diviſion between the ſove-
reign prince of Guienne and his vaſſals; to elude
treaties; to refuſe to pay the remainder of his
father's ranſom upon plauſible pretences ; to in-
gratiate himſelf with the new king of Caſtile, and
even with that king of Navarre, Charles, ſurnamed
the Bad, who had ſo large an eſtate in France;
to ſtir up the new king of Scotland, Robert Stu-
art, againſt the Englith ; to reſtore order in the
finances; to make the people contribute to the
public expence without murmuring ; in fine, to
have the ſame ſucceſs without ſtirring out of his
cloſet, as king Edward who had crotlcd the ſea
and gained ſuch ſignal victories.
As ſoon as he ſaw all his engines ready, he
took one of thoſe bold ſteps, which might paſs
for temerity in politics, were they not juſtiſied
by the prudence of his meaſures, and the proſpe-
1369. rity of the event. He ſent a knight and a judge
of Toulouſe to ſummon the Black Prince to ap-
pear before him in the court of peers, in order
1370. to account for his conduct. This was behaving
as lord paramount to the conqueror of his father
and grandfather, who was poſleſſed of Guienne
and the neighbouring parts in full ſovereignty by
right of conqueſt, as well as by ſolemn treaty.
He was not only cited as a ſubject, but an arret
of parliament was likewiſe iſſued out, by which
Guienne was confiſcated, together with every
thing in France belonging to the houſe of Eng-
land, It was the cuſtom to ſend a herald to declare
| war;
„„ ME oe coal
—
AN
during the reign of Charles V.
war; but this ceremony was now performed. by
a livery ſervant, whom they ſent to London:
a proof that Edward was no longer formidable,
The irregularity of theſe proceedings was in
ſome meaſure dignified by the valour and abilities
of Bertrand du Gueſclin, now become conſtable
of France, and eſpecially by the good order eſta-
bliſhed by Charles V. in every part of the realm,
which ſhewed that in public affairs glory is ever
on the fide of utility. L
The Black Prince was hindered by his lan-
guiſhing ſtate of health, from taking the field;
and beſides his father ſent him but weak ſupplies :
hence the Engliſh, who had been victorious be-
fore that time in every battle, were now beaten
on all ſides. Bertrand du Gueſclin, without ob-
taining ſuch ſignal victories as thoſe of Crecy and
Compiegne, made exactly ſuch a campaign as
that by which in theſe latter times viſcount Tu-
renne gained the character of the greateſt general.
in Europe. He fell upon the Engliſh quarters
147
in Maine and Anjou, defeated all their parties one 1476,
after the other, and took even their general
Grandſon, priſoner. . He reduced Poitou and
Saintonge, under the obedience of France. The
towns all ſurrendered, ſome by force, others b
Intrigue, The elements likewiſe fought for
Charles V. The Engliſh had equipped a formi-
dable fleet, which was kept back by contrary
winds. Truces had been artfully negotiated, and
every thing ſeemed to promiſe new ſucceſſes,
Charles, who twenty years before was not 1378.
maſter of money ſufficient to maintain his guards,
had now five armies and a fleet, His ſhips of
war inſulted the Engliſh on their own coaft,
H 2 where
148 Of France and England, Ch. Ixvi.
where they landed ſome troops and committed
great outrages, which after the death of Edward
III. England took no care to revenge. That
crown had nothing left but the towns of Bour-
deaux, and Calais, with a few fortreſſes.
Then it was that France loſt Bertrand du Gueſ-
clin, What honour the king rendered to this ge-
neral's memory, is well known: he was the firſt,
TI think, that had a funeral oration pronounced
in his praiſe ; and none but he and viſcount Tu-
renne were ever interred in the church deſigned
for the burying-place of the kings of France.
His body was carried with the ſame ceremony as i
if he had been a ſovereign. Four princes of the 5
blood followed the bier. His horſes, purſuant to
the cuſtom of the times, were preſented in
church to the biſhop who officiated on the occa-
ſion, and gave them his bleſſing with impoſition
of hands. Theſe particulars are of no import-
ance in themſelves; but they ſhow the ſpirit of
chivalry. The regard paid to celebrated knights
for their exploits and military atchievements,
extended even to their horſes which they rode in
time of battle. Charles ſoon followed him ; he
was ſaid to have died by a flow poiſon, which
hid been given him above ten years before, and
finally waſted him at the age of forty four ; juſt
as if there were any aliments in nature that could
deprive people of life at the expiration of a cer-
tain time. I own that a poiſon which has not
been ſtrong enough to produce inſtant death, will
leave a languiſhment in the body, the ſame as
every violent diſeaſe; but it is not true that it will
produce thoſe ſlow effects, which the vulgar think
inevitable. The real poiſon which killed Charles
V. was a bad conſtitution. It
1330.
during the reign of Charles V. 149
It is well known that the majority of the kings
of France was fixed by this prince at the age of ;
fourteen ; and that this wiſe ordinance, though
ineffectual in regard to the preventing of diſturb- x
ances, was regiſtered at a bed of juſtice in 1374. 1374. 7
He was deſirous of aboliſhing the ancient abufe i
of private wars between the great lords, an abuſe
which was looked upon as a Jaw of the ſtate, x
Theſe wars were prohibited under his reign, when 4
he came to be miſter : he even forbid the wear- 14
ing of arms; but the execution of this law was
at that time impoſſible. |
The treaſure which he amaſſed, is ſaid to have 1
amounted to ſeventeen millions of livres. It is f
certain, that he had accumulated money, and that
the whole fruit of his ceconomy was loſt and
ſquandered away by his brother the duke of An-
jou in the unfortunate expedition to Naples.
After the death of Edward III, the conqueror 0
of France, and of Charles V, the reſtorer of that
ſame kingdom, it evidently appeared that the ſu-
periority of a nation depends intirely on thoſe
who have the conducting of it.
Richard II, ſon of the Black Prince, ſucceeded
his grandfather Edward III, when he was only
eleven years of age; and ſome time after Charles
VI aſcended the throne of France at the age of
twelve. Theſe two minorities did not prove 7%
nappy 3 but England had the firſt reaſon to com- 'E
Plain, .
We have ſeen with what frenzy and madneſs the
peaſants of France were poſſeſſed under king John: |
and how in their vexation and miſery they wreaked *
their vengeance upon all the gentlemea they could Ai
find, who indeed were their oppreſſors. The Þ
| H 3 ſame 1
n 5
Te „ 1
ar Bog a
150 Of France and England, Ch. lxvi.
1381. ſame madneſs ſeized the Engliſh. It ſeemed as if
„ ſuch another war was going to break out, as that
which the Romans were heretofore obliged to
wage againſt their ſlaves. A tiler and a prieſt
did as much miſchief in England, as the quarrels
between the king and parliament are ever capable
of producing. They aſſembled the people of three
counties, and eaſily perſuaded them, that the rich
had long enough enjoyed the goods of the earth,
and that it was now time for the poor to take
their revenge. They led them directly to Lon-
don, plundered part of the city, and cauſed the
archbiſhop of Canterbury and the high treaſurer
to be beheaded. It is true this madneſs ended
with the death of the chiefs, and the diſperſion
of the revolted : but ſuch tempeſts, which were
common in Europe, plainly ſhew what wretched
government prevailed at that time. They were
far from having attained the real end of politics,
which conſiſts in connecting the ſeveral orders of
people, and making them act in concert for the
public good. |
lt may be ſaid, that the Engliſh at that time did
not better underſtand the prerogatives of their kings,
nor the privileges of their parliaments. Richard
II, at the age of +, 0p wanted to be deſpotic
and the Engliſh to be too free : this ſoon produ-
ced a civil war, In moſt countries, civil broils
prove fatal to conſpirators; but in England they
are fatal to kings. Richard, after ſtruggling ten
years with his ſubjects about his authority, was
deſerted at length by his own party. His couſin
the duke of Lancaſter, grandſon of Edward III,
who had been for ſome time in exile, returned to
England with three ſhips only. He had —
Oy _ nee
during the reign of Charles V. 151
need of a greater force: the whole nation de-
clared in his favour. Richard II demanded only
that they would ſpare his life, and grant him a
penſion for his ſubſiſtence,
A parliament was called, in which this prince
was ſolemnly depoſed : they confined him to the
Tower, where he reſigned to the duke of Lan-
caſter the enſigns of royalty by a writing ſigned
with his own hand, in which he acknowledged 1399.
himſelf unfit to reign. He was ſo indeed, ſince
O . Re
he could be mean enough to make ſuch a contet-
ſlon. |
Thus this very ſame century beheld two Kings
of England, viz. Edward II. and Richard Il, the
emperor Wenceſlaus and pope John XXIII, all
four ſolemnly depoſed, tried and condemned with
the forms of juſtice,
The Engliſh parliament having confined their
King, declared, that in caſe of any attempt to re-
ſtore him, he ſhould be judged worthy of death. 1400.
Upon the firſt riſing in his favour, eight ruffians
went and aſſaſſinated the king in priſon. Richard
defended his life better than he had done his
| throne ; he ſnatched the battle-ax from one of
his murderers, and killed four of them before he
was overpowered. The duke of Lancaſter aſ-
cended the throne by the name of Henry IV:
during his reign England was neither quiet nor in
a capacity to undertake any thing againſt France z
but his fon Henry V. brought —— the greateſt
revolution that had happened ſince the time of
Charlemaign. |
*
H 4 CHAP.
152
Of Charles VI. Ch. Ixvii.
CHAP, LXVII.
Of king Coarles VI. and the freſh invaſin of
France by Henry V. king of England.
P34 R T of the care which king Charles V
had taken to retrieve the loſſcs of France,
was exactly the very thing that haſtencd its ruin.
The treaſures which he had amaſſed, were ſquan-
dered away; and the heavy taxes which had
been raiſed in his reign, alienated the affections of
the people. It is mentioned that this prince
ſpent for his whole family fifteen hundred gold
marks a year, His brothers at the time they
were regents of the kingdom, ſpent ſeven thou-
ſand for Charles VI, then but thirteen years of
age, and who notwithſtanding this great profuſion
wanted neceſſaries. Such details as theſe ſhould
not be deſpiſed, they are the ſecret cauſe of the
ruin of ſtates, as well as of families.
Lewis of Anjou, the ſame who was adopted
by Joan I, queen of Naples, one of the uncles
of Charles VI, not ſatisfied with embezzling his
pupil's treaſure, laid the moſt heavy exactions up-
on the people. Paris, Rouen, and moſt of the
towns roſe up in arms; and the ſame madneſs
which afterwards depopulated Paris in the mino-
rity of Lewis XIV, ſeemed to rage under Charles
VI. . The private and public executions on this
occaſion were as cruel, as the inſurrection had
been outrageous. The great ſchiſm of the papal
ſee, of which we have already taken notice, add-
ed to the diſorder. The popes of Avignon who
were acknowledged in France, fleeced the king-
dom by every * that avarice under the
cloak of religion can invent. The people ſtill
flattered
Of Charles VT.
flattered themſelves, that when the king came of
age, he would redreſs theſe grievances by a better
adminiſtration.
He had in perſon revenged the cauſe of his 1384.
vaſſal, the earl of Flanders, upon the rebel
Flemings, who were always ſupported by Eng-
land. He had taken advantage of the troubles, into
which that iſland was plunged under Richard II.
A fleet of above twelve hundred ſail was fitted out,
to make a deſcent upon the Engliſh coaſt. This
number ought not to appear incredible; St. Lewis
had more, True it is theſe were only tranſport
veſſels; yet the expedition with which this fleet
was equipped, is a demonſtration that there was
more timber fit for ſhipping in thoſe days than
there, is at preſent, and that the people were not
void of induſtry. The jealouſy which the king's
uncles had of each other, hindered the fleet from
being employed. It only ſerved to ſhew what
reſources | ek might have under a good go-
vernment, ſince it was capable of ſuch mighty
enterprizes, notwithſtanding that the duke of
Anjou had drained the kingdom of ſuch prodigi-
ous treaſure, for his unfortunate expedition. to
Naples... .. : me ?
At length the people ſeemed to have ſome re-
ſpite, when the king ſet out for Britany, to chaſ-
tiſe the duke, of whom France had reaſon to
complain. But unfortunately the king was at
this very juncture ſeized with a terrible frenzy, a
diltemper which uſed to begin with a drowſineſs,
followed by a loſs of his underſtanding, and end-
ng at length in a fit of madneſs. When he was
ficſt ſeized with this fit, he killed four men, and
ontinued ſtriking every perſon about him, till
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154
1393-
Of Charles VI. Ch. Ixvii.
exhauſted by theſe convulſive motions, he fell
into a profound lethargy.
I am not ſurprized, that all France thought
him poiſoned and bewitched. There have been
inſtances even in the preſent age, notwithſtand-
ing its improvement in knowledge, of popular
prejudices altogether as unjuſt, His brother, the
duke of Orleans, had married Valentina of Mi-
lan; and this lady was charged with being the
cauſe , of the king's misfortune : which proves
only that the French were very ignorant in thoſe
days, and imagined the Italians to be more know-
ing than themſelves, |
This ſuſpicion ſome time afterwards increaſed
by an adventure worthy of the rudeneſs of thoſe
times. There was a maſquerade at court, at
which the king appeared in the diſguiſe of a ſatyr
dragging four other ſatyrs in chains. They were
all dreſſed in linen daubed over with roſin, to
which they had faſtened ſome coarſe flax and
hemp. The duke of Orleans had the ill luck of
running his torch againſt one of thoſe habits,
which took fire in an inſtant. The four lords
were burnt, and with difficulty was the king's
life preſerved by the ** of mind of bis
ſiſter-in-law, the ducheſs of Berry, who wrapped
him in her mantua. "This accident caufed a return
of one of his fits: perhaps he might have been
cured by bleeding, bathing, and a proper regimen;
but they ſent for a ſorcerer to Montpelier, - The
fqrcerer came; and the king was a little better,
which they did not fail to attribute to the power
of magic. By frequent relapſes the diſeaſe was
ſoon increaſed to that degree, as to become incu-
rable. Io complete the miſery of 8
Of Charles VI.
king had now and then ſome lucid intervals, with-
out which they might have provided for the go-
vernment of the kingdom: thus the little ſnare
of reaſon he enjoyed, proved more fatal to his
ſubjects than his fits: the ſtates were never called;
nor was there any regulation made for the public
adminiſtration. The king remained king, intruſt-
ing his feeble authority and the care of his perſon
ſometimes to his brother, and at other times to his
uncles. It was a terrible misfortune to the ſtate,
that the appanages of thoſe princes were very con-
ſiderable. In conſequence thereof, Paris became a
cene of civil war, which was ſometimes confined
to ſecret underminings, and ſometimes broke out
into open hoſtilities.
Every body muſt have heard that John duke of 1407.
Burgundy cauſed his couſin the duke of Orleans to
be aſſaſſinated in the rue barbette; and the king
had neither underſtanding nor power enough to
bring the guilty to juſtice, In the mean time the
duke of Burgundy vouchſafed to take out letters
of grace; and came to court to triumph in his 1403.
crime. Here he aſſembled all the princes and
randees, and in the preſence of them all, doctor
Fohn Petit not only juſtified the murder of the
duke of Orleans, but likewiſe eftablifſhed the
doctrine of «ſaſſmation, on the example of the
various murders, which are mentioned in the hiſ-
torical books of ſcripture. He preſumed to lay
down as a docttine, what is mentioned in thoſe
books only as an hiſtorical event, inſtead of in-
forming mankind, as he ought to have done,
that an aſſaſſination mentioned in ſcripture, is as
deteſtable as if it had been in the hiſtory of the
moſt barbarous ſavages, or of the times now be-
fore
156 Of Charles VI. Ch. Ixvii,
fore us. This doctrine was condemned, as we
have ſeen, in the council of Conſtance, and yet
has been ſince revived.
1409, It was about this very time that the marſhal of
Boucicaut Joſt the city of Genoa, which had
put herſelf under the protection of France. The
French were maſſacred there as in Sicily. The
flower of the French nobility, who went to ſig-
1410. nalize themſelves in Hungary againſt Bajazet the
Turkiſh emperor, were ſlain in battle, and the
Chriſtians unfortunately defeated. But theſe fo-
reign calamities were nothing in compariſon to
thoſe of the ſtate.
The queen, Iſabella of Bavaria, had a party in
Paris, the duke of Burgundy had his, and the
| . Children of the duke of Orleans had another,
which was very conſiderable. The poor king
had no party at all. But what ſhews the import-
ance of Paris, and that it was conſidered as the
primum mobile of the kingdom, the duke of Bur-
| gundy, who beſide the dutchy from which he
j took his title, was alſo ſovereign of Flanders and
| Artois, til] placed his whole ambition in being
h maſter of that capital. The faction of the duke
of Burgundy 'was called the Burgundian, and
| that of Orleans went by the name of Armagnac,
| from the count of Armagnac, father-in-law to
| the duke of Orleans, ſon of him who was aflaſ-
| ſinated at Paris. Which ever had the upper
| hand, took care to hang, to aſſaſſinate, or to burn
| all thoſe of the contrary faction. No body could
be fure of their lives for a day. They fought in
the ſtreets, in the churches, in the houſes, and in
| 2
l a | | This
Of Charles VT.
This was a very good opportunity for England
to recover her ancient patrimony in France, as
well as that which had been ceded to her by trea-
ties. Henry V, a prince of equal prudence and
courage, negotiated, and prepared for war at
the ſame time. At length he made a deſcent
upon Normandy with an army of near 50,000
15]
men: here he took Harfleur, and advanced in- 1415.
to a country waſted by factions ; but a conta-
gious dyſentery carried off three fourths of his
army. This great invaſion, however, reunited
all parties againſt the > gs even the duke ot
Burgundy, though he had already been privately
treating with the king of England, ſent 500 men
in armour with ſome croſs- bow men to the aſſiſt-
ance of his country. All the nobility mounted
on horſeback, and the commoners marched under
their banners; ſo that the conſtable d'Albret was
ſoon at the head of 60,000 fighting men. Henry
V. had the ſame ſucceſs in this expedition as
Edward III: but the principal reſemblance was
in the battle of Agincourt, which was exactly
like that of Crecy. The Engliſh obtained the
victory almoſt as ſoon as the engagement began.
Their great bows fix feet high, which they were
very dexterous in bending, decided the conteſt
immediately in their favour. They had neither
artillery nor fuſees, which is a further reaſon to
think that they had had none at the battle of
Crecy. Perhaps theſe bows are a more formida-
ble weapon : I have ſeen ſome that will carry
much further than fuſees ; they may likewiſe be
uſed quicker, and longer, And yet they are in-
tirely laid aſide. We may further obſerve, that
the French gendarmes fought on foot at Agin-
x court,
158
Of Charles VI Ch. lxvii,
court, Crecy, and Poitiers; who before uſed to
be invincible on horſeback. Upon this memo-
rable day there happened a thing moſt horrible
even in war. While the armies were ſtill en-
paged, ſome of the militia of Picardy were going
to plunder the Engliſh camp: upon which, Henry
gave orders to his men to kill all the priſoners
they had taken; theſe were accordingly put to
the ſword ; and after this ſlaughter the Engliſh
took 14,000 more, whoſe lives were ſpared.
Seven princes of France were ſlain this day toge-
ther with the conſtable ; five princes were taken
priſoners, and upwards of 10,000 French were left
on the field of battle.
One would think that after ſo complete a vie-
tory they had nothing further to do than to march
up to Paris, and to ſubdue a divided, exhauſted,
ruined kingdom. But even in this ruinous ſtate it
had ſome ſtrength left. In ſhort, it is a certain
fact, that from this battle of Agincourt, which
put all France into mourning, and which did not
coſt the Engliſh three men of any note, the vic-
tors reaped no other fruit than glory. Henry
was obliged to return to England in order to
raiſe money and new troops. 5
The ſpirit of giddineſs, which had ſeized the
French nation as much as their king, did more
miſchief than the defeat of Agincourt. Two
Dauphins were now dead, and the third, after-
wards Charles VII. and who was only fixteen
years old, endeavoured to ſave the remains of this
great wrack. The queen his mother had extort-
ed letters patent from het huſband, by which ſhe
was intruſted with the reins of the ſtate. She
was covetous, ambitious, and addicted to gallan-
try.
Of Charles VI.
try. The treaſure of which ſhe had plundered
the kingdom and her huſband, was depoſited in
ſeveral places, but eſpecially in the churches :
the Dauphin and the Armagnacs who had diſco-
vered this money, applied it to the preſſing wants
of the ſtate. To this affront which ſhe received
from her ſon, the king added another of a more
ſenſible nature. One evening as he went to the
queen's apartment, he met the lord of Boiſbour-
don, who was coming out; and he ordered him
immediately to be ſeized. Boiſbourdon was put
to the torture, ſown into a ſack, and thrown into
the Seine. The queen was directly ſent priſoner
to Blois, and from thence to Tours, without
being ſuffered to ſee her huſband, It was this
accident, and not the battle of Agincourt, that
put the crown of France on the king of Eng-
land's head, The queen applied for aſſiſtance to
the duke of Burgundy, who gladly embraced this
occaſion of eſtabliſhing his authority on the public
calamities,' © ln e RN!
The duke releaſed the queen from her con- 1418,
finement at Tours, ravaged the country upon
his march, and at length concluded an alliance
with the king of England. Without this alli-
ance there would have been no revolution.
Henry V. aſſembles an army of 25, ooo men, and
lands a ſecond time in Normandy. From thence
he advances towards Paris, while John duke of
Burgundy poſts himſelf at the gates of this city,
where a ſtupid fenſeleſs king is left a prey
to every ſedition, The duke of Burgundy's 1417,
faction in one day maſſacre the ' conſtable of
Armagnac, the archbiſhops of Rheims and Tours,
five prelates, ths - abbot of St. Denis, and forty
s magiſtrates.
159
160
1418.
149.
Of Charles VI. Ch. Ixvii.
magiſtrates, The queen and the duke of Bur-
gundy enter Paris in triumph in the midſt of the
laughter. The Dauphin is obliged to fly beyond
the Loire, and Henry V. becomes maſter of all
Normandy, Not only the party which Kill held
for the king, but likewiſe the queen, the duke of
Burgundy, and the Dauphin, were all in treaty at
the ſame time with the king of England, and of
every ſide endeavouring to circumvent each other,
The young Dauphin, who was at that time
governed by Tangui du Chaſtel, at length con-
certed that unhappy interview with the duke of
Burgundy on the bridge of Montereau. Each of
them met attended with ten knights ; and Tan-
gui du Chaſtel ſlew the duke of Burgundy in the
preſence. of the Dauphin: thus the murder of
the duke of Orleans was at length revenged by
another murder; ſo much the more deteſtable, as
it was blended with the violation of public faith,
One would be almoſt tempted to think that
this murder was not premeditated, fo ill had they
concerted their meaſures for ſupporting the conſe-
was that Iſabella of
quences of it. Philip the Good, the new duke of
Burgundy, who ſucceeded his father, was of courſe
the Dauphin's enemy through duty as well as
politics. The affront the Dauphin had offered to
his mother, rendered her as inplacable as a ſtep-
mother; while the king of England * him-
ſclf- of theſe horrid circumſtances, proclaimed
every where that God had led him by the hand
to puniſh the iniquity of the French. hen it
varia and the new duke
Philip concluded a peace at Troyes, more fatal
to France than all the preceding wars, whereby
Catharine, daughter of Charles VI, was given
| | | away
Of Charles VI.
away in marriage to the king of England, toge-
ther with France for her dowry.
It was there agreed that Henry V ſhould be
acknowledged as king, but that he ſhould only
take upon him the title of Regent during the re-
mainder of the unhappy life of the king of France,
who was grown quite a natural, In fine, by
the contract it was determined, that the perſon
ſtiling himſelf the Dauphin, ſhould be purſued
with the utmoſt vigour. Iſabella of Bavaria con-
ducted her wretched huſband and her daughter
to Troyes, where the marriage was conſummat- .
16x
ed. Henry, now king of France, made his en-
trance into Paris without the leaſt hinderance,
and reigned without oppoſition, while king Charles
VI was ſhut up with his domeſtics at the Hotel
de St. Paul, and queen Iſabella already began to
repent of her bargain.
Philip duke of Burgundy ſolemnly demanded
juſtice for the murder of his father, of the two
kings at the Hotel de St. Paul, where the few
remaining grandees were aſſembled. Nicholas
Raulin, attorney-general of Burgundy, and a
doctor of the univerſity, whoſe name was John
Larcher, impeached the Dauphin. The firſt
preſident of the parliament of Paris, and other
deputies from that body, aſſiſted at this aſſem-
bly. Marigny the ſolicitor-general made a
ſpeech againſt the preſumptive heir and defender
of the crown, as if it had been the caſe of a
common aſſaſſin. The parliament ſummoned the
Dauphin to what they call the Marble Table.
This was a large table, which in St. Lewis's:
reign ſerved to receive the rents or duties which
were paid in the nature of vaſſals of the caſtle —
: ne
162
Of Charles VI. Ch. lxvii.
the Louvre, and remained afterwards as a mark
of juriſdiction. The Dauphin was condemned
there for non-appearance, and out-Jawed “.
This was a moſt delicate and difficult queſtion,
to know who could be the Dauphin's judge,
whether the Salic law could be ſet aſide, whe-
ther as the murder of the duke of Orleans
was not puniſhed, they could inflict any puniſh-
ment on him who flew the murderer. Lon
after this, it is known that Philip II put his own
ſon to death. Coſmo I, grand duke of Florence,
killed one of his ſons, who had aſſaſſinated the
other. This fact is very true; the veracity of
Varillas upon this occaſion has been queſtioned
to no purpoſe; Thuanus gives ſufficiently to un-
derſtand, that he was informed of it upon the
ſpot. In our times the Czar Peter put his ſon
to death. Dreadful examples ! but in none of
thoſe caſes was it ever intended to give away the
ſon's inheritance to a ſtranger.
The Dauphin retired into Anjou, where he ap-
peared no better than an exile. Henry V, king
of France and England, returned to London in
order to raiſe new ſupplies and new troops, It
was not the intereſt of the Engliſh, who have a
ſtrong paſſion for _—_— that their king ſhould
be maſter of France. England would then have
'been in danger of becoming a province to a foreign
kingdom : and after exhauſting herſelf to place
her king on the French throne, ſhe might have
been enſlaved by the forces of the very country
which ſhe had conquered, and which would be
then at the king's command.
© See chapter Ixxii.
Yet
Of Charles VI.
Yet Henry ſoon made his return to Paris with
more power than ever. He had treaſure and ar-
mies at his command, and was alſo in the flower
of life; ſo that in all human probability the crown
of France was likely to be transferred for ever to
the houſe of Lancaſter. But all theſe appearances
and hopes were blaſted by fate: Henry was ſeized
with a fiſtula, of which he might have recovered
in a more enlightened age : his death was owing
to the ignorance of his ſurgeons: and he rehgned
his laſt breath in the caſtle of Vincennes at the'
age of thirty four. His body was expoſed at St.
Denis, as is practiſed with the mo of France,
and afterwards'carried to Weſtminiter, whete it
was interred among the kings of England.
Charles VI, to whom they had out of com-
paſſion left the empty title of king, ſoon after
ended his wretched days, after having lived thirty
years in continual relapſes of frenzy. He died
the unhappieſt of kings, and king of the unhap-
pieſt people in Europ ee.
The duke of Bedford, brother of Henry V,
was the only perſon who aſſiſted at his funeral.
There was not one lord at the ceremony; ſome
of them had been lain at the battle of Agin-
court; the reſt were priſoners in England; and
the duke of Burgundy would not yield the point
of precedency to the duke of Bedford. But they
were ſoon obliged to give way to Bedford in
every thing, for he was declared regent of France
and Henry VI, fon of Henry V, only nine months
old, was proclaimed king at Paris and at London.
The city of Paris even ſent deputies to London,
to take the oath of allegiance to this infant,
CHAP.
Of France during Ch. Ixviii.
CHAP, LXVIII.
Of France during the reign of Charles VII.
HIS inundation of the Engliſh into France
ſeemed to be like that which had overflowed
England in the reign of Lewis VIII; only it
laſted longer, and was more violent. Charles
VII was under the neceſſity of recovering his
kingdom inch by inch: he had to fight againſt
the duke of Bedford, who was become as abſo-
lute as Henry V, and againſt the duke of Bur-
gundy, who was grown one of the moſt potent
princes in Europe, by the re-union of Hainault,
Brabant, and Holland to his demeſnes. Beſides,
Charles had as much to apprehend from his friends:
as from his foes: moſt of them inſulted his miſ-
fortunes to-ſuch a degree, that the. earl of Rich-
mond, his conſtable, and brother to the duke of
Britany, cauſed two favourites of. his to be
ſtrangled, N
e may judge of the deplorable ſituation to
which Charles was reduced, by the neceſſity he
found himſelf under of making the filver mark
paſs for ninety livres in the country ſubject to his
obedience, inſtead of half a livre which it was
worth in the time of Charlemaign,
He was ſoon obliged to have recourſe to an-
other much ſtranger expedient, namely, to a mi-
racle. A gentleman of the frontiers of Lorrain,
whoſe name was Baudricourt, ſaw a young ſer-
vant maid at an inn in the town of V aucouleurs,
whom he looked upon as a fit perſon to act the
character of an inſpired amazon. This Joan of
Arc,
the reign of Charles VII.
Arc, whom the vulgar take to have been a ſhep-
herdeſs, was indeed no more than an innkeeper's
ſervant, of a robuſt make, that could ride, as
Monſtrelet ſays, without a ſaddle, and perform other
manly exerciſes which young girls are unaccuſtomed
to, She was made to paſs for a ſhepherdeſs of
eighteen years of age; and yet it is certain by
her own confeſſion, that ſhe was at that time
ſeven and twenty. She had courage and wit
ſufficient to conduct this delicate enterprize, in
which ſhe afterwards ſhewed herſelf a heroine,
They carried her before the king at Bourges,
where ſhe was examined by matrons, who took
care to find her a virgin, and by ſeveral doctors
of the univerſity with ſome members of the par-
liament, who without any heſitation declared
her inſpired : whether it be that they were im-
poſed upon themſelves, or that they were artful
enough to encourage the cheat. However, the
vulgar ſwallowed the bait, which was ſufficient,
165
At that time the Engliſh had laid ſiege to Or- 1429.
leans, Charles's laſt reſource, and were very near
making themſelves maſters of it. This amazon
in man's dreſs, directed by able officers, under-
takes to throw ſuccours into the town. Firſt,
the addreſſes the ſoldiers on the part of God, and
inſpires them with that enthuſiaſtical courage,
peculiar to all men, who fancy they ſee the Deity
defending their cauſe. Then ſhe puts herſelf at
their head, delivers Orleans, beats the Engliſh,
tells Charles that ſhe will ſee him conſecrated
at Rheims, and fulfills her promiſe ſword in
hand. She aſſiſts at the coronation, holding the
{ſtandard with which ſhe had fo bravely fought.
Theſe
166
Of France during Ch. Ixviii
- | Theſe rapid victories, obtained by a girl; toge-
ther with the appearances of a miracle, and the
king's coronation, which conciliated a reſpect to
his perſon, had very near reinſtated the lawful
ſovereign, and expelled the foreign pretender ;
when the inſtrument of all theſe wonders, Joan of
Arc, was wounded and taken in defending Com-
piegne. The regent Bedford thought it neceſſary
to ſtigmatize her, in order to revive the droop-
ing courage of the Engliſh. She had pretended
a miracle, and Bedford pretended to believe ſhe
was a witch. My chief aim is always to obſerve
the ſpirit of the times; it is that which directs
the great events of this globe. The univerſity
of Paris . preſented a complaint againſt Joan of
Arc, charging her with hereſy and witchcraft :
now either the univerſity thought what the Regent
would have them think; or if they were not of
that opinion, they acted in a baſe daſtardly manner.
'This heroine, who was worthy of the miracle
which ſhe had feigned, was tried at Roan by Cau-
chon biſhop of Beauvais, with five other French bi-
ſhops, one Englifh biſhop, aſſiſted by a Dominican
friar, vicar of the inquiſition, and by the doctors of
the univerſity. She was declared to be © a ſu-
© perſtitious propheteſs of the devil, a blaſphe-
c mer againſt God and his ſaints, and one that
e had many ways erred againſt the faith of
«« Chriſt. As ſuch ſhe was condemned to perpe-
« tual impriſonment, and to faſt on bread and
« water.” She made a reply to her judges,
which, I think, is deſerving: of eternal memory.
Being aſked, why ſhe! had dared to aſſiſt at the
conſecration of Charles with his ſtandard ? Be-
& cauſe, ſaid ſhe, it is but juſt, that the *
1 N „ Who
the reign of Charlis VII. 167
« who ſhared in the toil, ſhould alſo partake of
de the honour.” |
At length being accuſed of having dreſſed her- 1437.
ſelf once more in men's clothes, which had been
left with her on purpoſe to tempt her, the judges
who ſurely had no right to try her, ſince ſhe was
a priſoner of war, declared her a relapſed heretic
and without any more ado condemned a perſon
to the flames, who for having ſerved her kin
would have had altars erected to her in thoſe he-
roic times, when mankind were wont to pay di-
vine honours to their deliverers. Charles VII. 143%
afterwards reinſtated her memory, which indeed
was ſufficiently honoured by her puniſhment. |
Cruelty alone is not ſufficient to determine y
men to inflict ſuch puniſhments, they muſt be
likewiſe actuated by that ſpirit of fanaticiſm,
which 1s a mixture of ſuperſtition and ignorance, 1
and has been the diſtemper of all ages. Some x
time before the Engliſh condemned the dutcheſs I
of Glouceſter to public penance in St. Paul's Y
church, and a lady, a friend of hers, to be burnt |
alive, upon pretence of ſome incantation which I
they had uſed, in order to ſhorten the king's life. l
They likewiſe burnt lord Cobham as an heretic. 1
In Britany the ſame puniſhment was inflicted on
the marſhal de Retz, accuſed of ſorcery, and of
having cut his children's throats to make incanta-
tions with their blood.
While theſe melancholy times continued, the
communication between the provinces was inter-
rupted, and the people upon the borders were
ch ſtrangers to one another, that a few years
after the death of the maid of Orleans, a female
adventurer in Lorrain dared to aſſume her name,
and
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168
Of France during Ch. |xviii.
and boldly to aſſert ſhe had eſcaped the puniſh-
ment, for that they had burnt a phantom in her
ſtead. But what is more ſurprizing, ſhe was
believed. Honours and riches were conferrcd
upon her; and a gentleman of the family of
Armoiſes, married her in 1436, thinking himſelf
happy in being joined in wedlock to the real he-
roine, who though of mean parentage, was at
leaſt his equal by her memorable exploits.
During the war, which was rather tedious
than deciſive, and proved the ſource of ſo many
calamities, there happened another event, which
ſaved the kingdom of France. The duke of
Burgundy, Philip the Good, deſerved this name,
by at length forgiving the death of his father,
and uniting with the head of his family againft
a foreign invader, He carried this generoſity
even ſo far as to deliver the duke of Orleans, the
ſon of him who had been aſſaſſinated at Paris,
from his long confinement in London. He paid
his ranſom, which is ſaid to have amounted to
three hundred thouſand crowns ; but exaggera-
tion was an uſual thing with the writers of thoſe
days. This conduct however is a proof of great
virtue. There have been always generous fouls
even in the abandoned times. This prince's vir-
tues did not exclude the love of pleaſure and of
the fair ſex, which can never bea vice, but when
it leads to vicious actions. It is this ſame Philip,
-who in the year 14 30, inſtituted the order of the
Golden Fleece in honour of one of his miſtreſſes.
He had fifteen natural ſons, who were all perſons
of merit. His court was the moſt magnificent in
Europe. Antwerp and Bruges carried on an ex-
tenſive trade, and diffuſed plenty * bis
| omi-
the reign of Charles VII.
dominions. France in fine was indebtcd to him for
her peace and grandeur, which increalcd iro: chat
time, notwithſtanding her adverſities, her foreign
and domeſtic wars,
Charles VII. recovered his kingdom almoſt
in the ſame manner as Henry IV. conquered
it about 150 years afterwards, Charles had
not indeed that noble courage, that quick and
active mind, nor that heroic diſpoſition which |
diſtinguiſhed Henry IV; but like him he was |
often obliged to keep fair with his foes as well |
as his friends, to fight with ſmall armies, to take 11
towns, ſome by ſurprize, and ſome by money, i
till at length he entered Paris in the ſame manner
as Henry IV. afterwards made his entrance, by
intrigue and by force, They were both declared
incapable of wearing the crown, and they both
forgave: they were both guilty of the ſame
weakneſs, that of negleQting their affairs ſome-
times, to give themſelves up to their pleaſures,
Charles did not make his entry into Paris till
the year 1437, and it was not till towards 1450
that the Engliſh were intirely driven out of
France, They. preſerved nothing but Calais
and Guines: and for ever loſt all thoſe vaſt de-
meſnes which their kings had been poſlefled
of by the right of blood, and which they could
not ſecure to their poſterity by the three great
victories of Creſſy, Poitiers, and Agincourt,
The diviſions among the Engliſh contributed
as much as Charles VII. to the recovery of
| France. That ſame Henry VI. who had wore
the two crowns, and who even went over to
Paris upon the ceremony of his coronation, was
depoſed at London by his relations, and after
Vol. II, I ; having
170 Of France during Ch. Ixviii.
1451, having been again reſtored, was once more caſt
trom the throne. 5 |
The peace of France being now fully reſtored,
and Charles in quiet poſſcilion of the whole
kingdom, he eſtabliſhed ſuch order and regula—
rity as had never been ſeen in that country ſince
the decline of the family of Charlemaign. He
kept regular companies of 1500 gendarmes, each
of whom was to- ſerve with fix horſes; ſo that
this troop conſiſted of nine thouſand horſemen. -
The captain of one hundred men had a thouſand
ſeven hundred livres a: year, which amounts to
about ten thouſand livres preſent currency.
Each gendarme had three hundred and - ſixty
livres per annum, and each of the five hundred
men that attended him, had four livres per
month, He likewiſe eſtabliſhed four thouſand
hve hundred archers, who had that ſame pay
of four livres, that is about four and twenty of
our preſent coin. Thus in times of peace it
colt about ſix millions, preſent currency, to
maintain the ſtanding forces. Things are greatly
changed all over Europe. The eſtabliſhment of
archers ſhews that muſkets were not as yet in fre-
quent uſe. This inſtrument of deſtruction was
" generally introduced till the reign of Lewis
Beſides theſe troops, who were in conſtant
ſervice, each village maintained a free archer,
who was exempted from the king's tax: and it is
by this exemption, which otherwiſe was peculiar
to the nobility, that ſuch a number of perſons
ſoon claimed the title and arms of gentle-
men. The poſſeſſors of fiefs were diſpenſed from
no longer con-
voked.
attending the ban, which was
*
the reign of Charles VII. 171
voked. Only the arrear-ban, which was com-
poſed of the petty rear-vaſlals, were bound to
ſerve upon occaſion.
Many are ſurprized that after ſuch a ſeries of
difaſters, France ſhould find ſuch great reſources,
and ſo much money. But a fruitful country will
be always rich, provided the cultivation of it be
not neglected. - Civil wars ſhake the ftate, but
do not deſtroy it. Murder and ranſacking undo
ſome. families, but enrich others. Merchants
grow more expert in their buſineſs, more ingenui-
ty being required to ſteer clear of danger in ſuch
tempeſtuous times. James Cceur'is a ſtrong proof
of this maxim, He had eſtabliſhed the greateſt
trade, that had been ever carried on by any pri-
vate ſubject in Europe: And ſince his time Coſ-
mo de Medicis is the only perſon that equalled
him. James Cœur had three hundred factors in
Italy and the Levant. He lent two hundred
thouſand: crowns to the king, without which this
prince could never have recovered Normandy.
His induſtry in time of peace was of more ſer-
vice, than Dunois and the maid of Orleans had
been in time of war. The perſecuting ſo uſe-
ful a man, is thought to be a great ſtain to the
memory of Charles VII. The motive of this
perſecution is not known: for who can tell the
ſecret ſprings of the injuſtice and iniquity of '
mankind ? nt
The king ordered him to be ſent to priſon, and
the parliament tried him: all they could prove
againſt him was, that he cauſed a Chriſtian ſlave
to be reſtored to his Turkiſh maſter, whom this
ſlave had left and betrayed; and that he had ſold '
arms to the ſultan of Egypt. For theſe two |
I 2 facts,
172
Manners ard cuſtoms, arts, & c. Ch. Ixix.
facts, one of which was lawful, and the other
meritorious, his eſtate was conhſcated. He found
more virtue in his clerks, than in the courtiers
who ruined him : the former contributed to re-
lieve him under his misfortunes, James Cœur
removed to Cyprus, where he continued to carry
on his trade, but never had the courage to return
to his ungrateful country, though ſtrongly invited.
However, the cloſe of this prince's reign proved
happy enough to France, though very unhappy in
regard to the king, whoſe latter days were em-
bittered by the rebellions of his unnatural ſon,
afterwards Lewis XI. |
M c e ee
| r. LAI:
Manners and cuſtoms, arts and ſciences, towards
| the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
V inclination leads me rather to inquire
into the ſtate of human ſociety in thoſe
days, to diſcover the manner of living in families,
and the cultivation of the arts; than to give a
detail of battles and public calamities, the unhappy
topic of hiſtorians, and the common place of hu-
man iniquity.
Towards the end of the thirteenth century, and
in the beginning of the fourteenth, the Italians,
notwithſtanding their domeſtic diſſenſions, began
to ſhake off that barbarous ruſt, with which Eu-
rope had been covered ſince the decline of the
Roman empire. The neceſſary arts ſtill ſubſiſt-
ed: artificers and merchants whoſe obſcurity pre-
ſerves them from the ambition and fury of the
great, may be compared to ants which ſilentiy
| make
£
in the 13th and 14th centur1es.
make their neſts, while eagles and vultures tear
one another to pieces,
Even thoſe rude ages produced ſome uſeful in-
ventions, the effect of that mechanic genius with
which nature endows particular men indepen-
dently of philoſophy. For inſtance, that excel-
lent ſecret of aſſiſting the enfeebled ſight of old
people by means of ſpectacles, was found out by
Alexander Spina, towards the end of the thir-
teenth century. The invention of wind-milis is
about the ſame date: La Flamma, who lived in
the fourteenth century, is the firſt who makes
mention of them. But the uſe of them was
known long before to the Greeks and the Arabs;
and they are alſo mentioned by the Arabian poets
of the ſeventh century. The earthen-ware in-
vented at Faenza, was uſed inſtead of porcelan::.
Glaſs windows had been diſcovered a lon2 time
before ; but they were very ſcarce, and conſidered
as an article of luxury. This art was introduced
into England by the French, towards the year
1180, where it was looked upon as a high de-
gree of magnificence.
The Venetians were the only people in the
thirteenth century, that had the ſecret of making
looking - glaſſes of cryſtal, There were ſome clocks
in Italy; and that of Bologna was particularly fa-
mous. The more uſeful wonder of the compaſs
was entirely owing to chance; but mankind had
not ſagacity enough at that time to make a pro-
per uſe of this invention, Paper made of rags
was invented towards the beginning of the four-
teenth century. Cortuſius *, an hiſtorian of Pa-
* His name was Girolamo Cortuff; he wrote the hiſtory of
Padua, which was begun by a couſin of his. They both lived in
the fourteenth century, See Scardeoni's hiſtory of Padua,
342 dua,
Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix.
dua, takes notice of one Pax, who erected the firſt
manufacture in that city upwards of a hundred
years before the invention of printing. Thus it
is that the uſeful arts were gradually eſtabliſhed,
and moſt of them by obſcure perſons.
The other parts of Europe were far from hav-
ing ſuch cities as Venice, Genoa, Bologna, Si-
enna, Pifa, and Florence. In the towns of France,
Germany, and England, they had ſcarcely any
other than thatched houſes, The ſame may be
faid of the poorer tuwns in Italy, ſuch as Alex-
andria * della paglia, Nice della paglia, &c.
Though they had ſuch large tracts of land over-
run with woods, yet they had not as yet learnt to
guard againſt the cold by the means of chimneys,
an invention ſo uſeful, as well as ornamental to
our modern apartments. The cuſtom was for
the whole family. to fit in the middle of a ſmoaky
hall, round a large ſtove, the tunnel of which
paſſed through the ceiling,
In the fourteenth century La Flamma, accord-
ing to the cuſtom of injudicious authors, com-
plains that frugality and ſimplicity had given way
to luxury. He regrets the times of Frederic
13 and of Frederic II, when in Milan,
the capital of Lombardy, they eat fleſh meat but
three times a week. Wine was very ſcarce ;
they had no notipn of wax candles, and even
thoſe of tallow were deemed luxury. He ſays
* Paplia in Italian fignifies ſtraw. This city is in the duke-
dom of Milan; it was built about the year 1153 by the parti-
zans of Alexander III, from whom it took its name. Some ſay
that the emperor wanted to have it called Cæſarea; but the in-
habitants inſiſting on the name of Alexandria; the emperor, out
of deriſion, called it Alexandria della paglia, becauſe its buildings
were of Rxaw and wood, covered over with mud.
that
in the 12th and 14th centuries,
that the better ſort of inhabitants made uſe of
ſplinters inſtead of candles. They had hot meat
but three times a week, and wore woolen ſhirts :
the moit conſiderable citizens gave their daughters
not above one hundred livres for their portion.
But things, continues he, are altered ; now we
wear linen; the women dreſs in filk gowns, ſome
of which are embroidered with gold and ſilver:
they have two thouſand livres for their fortunes ;
their ears are likewiſ2 adorned with gold pendants.
And yet this luxury, of which he fo greatly com-
plains, falls ſhort of what in our days is reckoned
among the neceſſaries of the rich and induftrious.
Table linen was very ſcarce in England : and
wine was ſold only by apothecaries as a cordial,
The houſes of private people were all of wood in
Paris as well as in London. It was reckoned a
kind of luxury to ride in a two wheel cart through
the ill paved dirty ſtreets of Paris, a luxury which
was forbidden the wives of citizens by Philip the
Fair, The following regulation under Charles VI
is well known, nemo audeat dare preter duo fer-
cula cum potagio ; let no one preſume to treat with
more than a ſoop and two diſhes.
And yet among the feudal lords and the princi-
pal prelates, all the magnificence prevailed which
the times would permit. This was the natural
conſequence of large poſſeſſions: but the uſe of
plate was ſtill unknown to moſt cities. Muſſus,
a Lombard writer of the fourteenth century,
looks upon ſilver knives and forks, as alſo on ſil-
ver ſpoons, and cups, as a great piece of luxury.
He ſays, that a man, who has nine or ten
in family, with two horſes to maintain, is oblig-
ed to ſpend annually three hundred florins;
14 which
176
Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix.
which in our days is about three thouſand
livres.
Money was therefore exceeding ſcarce in many
parts of Italy, and much more fo in France in
the twelfth, thirteen h, and fourteenth centuries,
The Florentines and the Lombards, who were
the only people that carried on any trade in France
and in England, together with the Jews their
brokers, uſually extayted twenty per cent. for in-
tereſt, Great uſury is the infallible ſign of pub-
lic poverty.
Charles V, king of France, had hoarded ſome
treaſure by his long economy, by the prudent ad-
miniitration of the crown lands, . at that time the
principal branch of the royal revenue, and by the
impolts deviſed under Philip of Valois, which,
though inconſiderable, raiſed great complaints
among an impoveriſhed people. His prime mi-
niſter, the cardinal de la Grange, had but too
greatly enriched himſelf at the public expence.
All thoſe treaſures however were ſquandered away
in other countries, The cardinal carried his to
Avignon ; the duke of Anjou waſted that of his
brother king Charles V, in his unfortunate expe-
dition into s while France continued in a
miſerable condition, till towards the latter end of
the reign of Charles VII,
It was far otherwiſe with the great trading
cities in Italy ; there the inhabitants lived with
conveniency, and in opulence, and enjoyed the
ſweets of life. At length, wealth and liberty
excited the genius, and courage of the nation.
"The Italian language was not yet formed at the
time of Frederick II. This we find by the fol-
lowing
in the 1 zub and 14th centuries.
lowing verſes of that emperor, which are the laſt
example of the romance language free from the
Teutonic aſperity, /
Plas me el cavalier Frances
E la donna Catalana
E L' ourar Genoes
E la danza Treviſana
E lau cantar Provenzales
Las man e cara d' Angles
E lou donzel de Toſcana.
This is a more precious monument than one
would imagine, and much ſuperior to all thoſe
ruins of the middle age, fo greedily inquired
after by perſons of more curioſity than judg-
ment. It plainly ſhews that nature is jnvari-
ably the ſame in the ſeveral nations mentioned
by Frederick. The Catalan women are ftill,
as they were in that emperor's time, the hand-
ſomeſt in Spain. The French nobility have yet
the ſame martial air, which was then in ſuch
great eſteem. The Engliſh are ſtill diſtinguiſhed
tor regular features, and handſome hands. The
damſels of Tuſcany are more agreeable than thoſe
of other countries. The Genoeſe have ſtill pre-
ſerved their induſtry ; and the natives of Provence
their taſte for poetry and ſinging. It was in Pro-
vence and Languedoc that the firſt improvements
were made in the Romance language. The in-
habitants of Provence taught the Italians. No-
thing is ſo well known to the curious in theſe
matters, as the following verſes upon the V au-
dois, in the year 1.09,
15 Que
177
Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix.
Que non volia maudir ne jura, ne mentir,
N-occir, ne avoutrar, ne prenre de altrui,
Ne & avengear deli ſuo enemi,
Loz diſon qu es Vaudes & los feſon morir &.
This quotation hath likewiſe its uſe, inaſmuch
as it is a proof that all reformers have ever affect-
ed a ſeverity of manners.
This jargon has unfortunately continued in the
ſame ſtate it was then in Provence and Langue-
doc, while the Italian language, under Petrarch's
direction, attained that force and elegance which,
far from declining fince, has received great im-
provements. The Italian aſſumed its preſent form
towards the end of the thirteenth century, at the
time of the' good king Roger, father of the un-
fortunate Joan. Already had Dante the Floren-
tine illuſtrated the Tuſcan language with that
whimſical poem intitled Comedia, a work famous
for natural beauties, and in many parts far ſuperior
to the corrupt taſte of that age, being written
with as much purity as if che author had been
cotemporary with Arioſto and Taſſo. It is not
at all ſurpriſing, that Dante, being one of the
chiefs of the Gibelline faction, and having been
perſecuted by Boniface VIII and Charles of Va-
lois, ſhould, in the courſe of that poem, have
vented his complaints about the quarrels betwixt
the prieſthood and the empire, I ſhall take the
jbderty to inſert here a paſſage of this poet con-
cerning thoſe diſſenſions. Theſe monuments of
bs ſoever refuſes to curſe, to ſevear, to lye, to kill, to commit
adultery, 6 flea/, to be revenged of bit entmy 3 they ſay he is a
4 = put bim to death,
Vaudoir, 4
the
| in the 13th and 14th centuries.
the human mind are a kind of refreſhment, after
a. long peruſal of: the calamities with which the
world has been afflicted.
Soleva Roma, chel buon mondo fo.
Duo ſoli aver, che l una e Paltra firada
Facen vedere, e del mondo, e d: Des.
L'un Taltro ha ſpento, ed # giunta la ſpada
Col paſturale, e Puno e Paltro inſieme,
Per viva forza mal convien che vada :
Peroccbè giunti, Pun l'altro non teme.
Se non mi credi, pon mente alla ſpiga :
Ch'ogni erba ſi conoſce per lo ſeme.
Dante del Purgatorio, Cant. 16.
To Dante ſucceeded Petrarch, who was born
in 1304 at Arezzo, a City celebrated alſo for giv-
ing birth to Guido Aretinus &. Under Petrarch
the Italian tongue reccived a further degree of
purity, with all the ſoftneſs of which it is ſuſcep-
tible. In theſe two poets, but eſpecially in Pe-
trarch, we meet with a great number of paſſages
that, reſemble thoſe fine antiques, which have the
beauty of antiquity, together with the freſhnels
of modern times. - You will excuſe me, if to
give you a ſpecimen of his manner of writing, I
take the liberty to inſert the beginning of his
beautiful ode to the fountain of Vaucluſe +; an
ode
* Guido was a Benedictine monk, and kved in the eleventh
century, He invented fix mufical notes, wt, re, mi, fa, ſal, la
and wrote two books of muſic, which he dedicated to his ab-
bot Theobald, | :
t- Yaucluſe, ſo called guafs vallis clauſa, is a fountain that riſes
in the midit of a valley in the eounty of Venaiflin in Provence.
It throws out ſuch a vaſt quantity of water, that very near its
ſougce it forms a river anciently called Sulga, and now Sorgues,
1 6
for
179
2 1
= te OY
-
180 Manners and cuſtems, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix,
ode which may indeed be called irregular, and
which he compoſed in blank verſe, without con-
fining himſelf to rhime, though it is more eſteem-
ed than any of his compoſitions in that kind.
_ Chiare, freſche, e dolci acque,
Ove le belle membra
Poſe colei, che ſola a me par donna
Gentil ramo, ove piacque
(Con ſoſpir mi _rimembra )
A lei, di fare al bel ſianco colonna;
Herba, e fior, che la gonna
Leggiadra ricoverſe
Con Pangelico ſens
Aer ſacro ſereno,
Ov amor co begli occbi il cor m'aperſe;
Date udientia inſieme
A le dolenti mie parole eſtreme.
Theſe poems, called Cazoni, are eſteemed his
principal performances. His other works did him
leſs honour; he rendered the fountain of Vau—
cluſe, Laura, and his own name, immortal. Were
it not for his paſſion for that lady he would have
been leſs celebrated. The above ſpecimen muſt
ſhew the immenſe diſtance there was at that time
between the Italians and all other nations. I
choſe rather to give you even a ſuperficial idea of
Petrarch's genius, and of the elegant ſoftneſs
which conſtitutes his character, than to repeat
what ſo many others have ſaid concerning the
for which reaſon Petrarch ſtiles it the queen of fountains, It is
famous for having been the ordinary reſidence of that celebrated
poet, in the beginning of the fourteenth century.
honours
in the 13th and 14th centuries,
honours that were offered him at Paris, as well
as thoſe which he received at Rome, together
with his triumphant proceſſion to the capitol in
1341; a moſt remarkable homage which the a-
mazed cotemporaries paid to ſo great a genius,
unrivalled indeed at that time, but afterwards
ſurpaſſed by Arioſto and Taſſo. But I muſt not
omit mentioning, that his family had been
exiled from Tuſcany, and ſtripped of their eſtate,
during the broils of the Guelfs and Gibellines ;
and that the Florentines ſent Boccace to him, to
beg he would honour his country with his pre-
ſence, and accept of the reſtitution of his eſtate.
Never did Greece, even in its moſt glorious days,
ſhew more regard and eſteem for men of abili-
ties.
It was this Boccace that aſcertained the Tuſ-
can language; he is ſtill the chief model in proſe
with regard both to exactneſs and purity of ityle,
as well as to the natural manner of writing a
narrative. After the language had been perfect-
ed by theſe two writers, it received no further
change; while the other nations in Europe, not
even excepting the Greeks, have altered their
idiom. | |
There was a ſucceſſion of Italian poets, whoſe
writings have all been handed down to poſterity.
For Pulci * wrote after Petrarch; and Bojardo ,
| count
Luigi Pulci, an Italian poet, was a native of Florence, and
died about the year 1436, He wrote a poem intitled Morgante
Maggiore, full of the wild extravagances of chivairy, Peſides,
he pays very little regard to decency, and confourds the ſerious
and the jocoſe together. See Rapin reflexions ſur la pcetigue du
tems, 75
Bejardo was born at Reggio, in the dutchy of Modena, and
flouriſhed
182
Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix.
count of Scandiano, ſucceeded Pulci; but Arioſto
ſurpaſſed them both in fertility of imagination.
Let us not forget that Petrarch and Boccace had
celebrated the praiſes of the unfortunate Joan of
Naples, whoſe mind was ſo far improved as to
be ſenſible of their merit, and who was even one
of their diſciples. At that time ſhe was intirely
devoted to the polite arts, the charms of which
obliterated the remembrance of the criminal days
of her former marriage. The change of man-
ners ariſing from the "culture of her mind, ou 0
to have averted the cataſtrophe with which
concluded her reign, _
The polite arts, which all go hand in hand,
and generally decay and riſe together, were emerg-
ing now in Italy from barbariſm. Cimabue “,
without any aſſiſtance, was, in great meaſure, a
new inventer of painting, in the thirteenth cen-
tury. Giotto + drew ſome pictures which to
this day are beheld with pleaſure. There is
ſtill extant that celebrated piece of his, which
has been ſet in Moſaic, and repreſents the
prince of the Apoſtles walking upon the water :
it is to be ſeen over the great gate of St. Pe-
ter's church at Rome. Brunelleſchj began to
reform' the Gothic architecture. Guido of Arez-
zo, long before that time, viz, towards the end
fleuriſhed in the beginning of the ſixteenth century. Among
other pieces he wrote a poem on the amours of Rolando and An-
gelica, of which there are ſeveral editions.
Cimabue was a native of Florence, and flouriſhed j in the thir-
teenth century, He died towards the year 1 300, at the age of
ſevent
n+ Sinne was a pupil of Cimabue, and flouriſhed in the ſours
teenth century, He was born at a village in the neighbourhood
of Florence ; and died at the laſt mentioned city in 1336,
O
in the 13th and 14th centuries.
of the eleventh century, had invented the mo-
dern notes of muſick, and ſpread this art by
rendering it more eaſy. |
For all theſe fine inventions we- are indebted
to the Tuſcans only, who by mere ſtrength of
genius revived thoſe arts, before the little re-
mains of Greek learning, together with that lan-
guage, removed from Conſtantinople into Italy,
alter the conqueſt of the Ottomans. Florence
was at that time a ſecond Athens; and it is re-
markable, that among the orators who were de-
puted by moſt of the cities of Italy to harangue
Boniface VIII, upon his exaltation to the holy
ſee, eighteen of them were natives of this city,
By this it appears, that it is not to the refugees
of Conſtantinople we are indebted for the reſto-
ration of letters: thoſe men were capable of
teaching the Italians nothing more than the Greek
tongue. ;
It may appear ſomewhat extraordinary, that ſo
many great geniuſes ſhould have ſtarted up of a
ſudden in Italy, without protection, or any mo-
del to go by, in the midſt of diſſenſions and do-
meſtic broils: but among the Romans Lucretius
wrote his beautiful poem on nature, Virgil his
Bucolics, and Cicero his philoſophical works
amidſt the confuſion of civil wars. When once
a language is aſcertained, it is a kind of inſtru-
ment which eminent artiſts find ready to their
hands, and which they make uſe of for their pur-
poſes, without troubling their heads about who
governs, or who diſturbs the earth.
Though Tuſcany alone received thoſe rays
of light, yet there were men of ſome abilities in
other countries. St. Bernard and Abelard in
France,
183
184 Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch, Ixix.
France, in the twelfth century, might be looked
| upon as men of genius: but their language was
a barbarous jargon; and they paid tribute in La-
tin to the corrupt taſte of the times. The Latin
hymns in rhime during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries are the laſt ſtroke of barbariſm. Not
fo did Horace ſing the ſecular games. Scho-
laſtic theology, the baſtard daughter of Ariſtotle's
philoſophy, ill tranſlated and miſunderſtood, did
| more real prejudice to reaſon, and to uſeful ſtu-
| dies, than ever they received from the Huns and
Vandals,
Polite literature was not extinct in the Eaſt,
And ſince the poetical compoſitions of Sady the
Perſian are ſtill repeated daily by the Perſians,
Turks, and Arabs ; they muſt ſurely have ſome
merit. He was cotemporary with Petrarch, to
whom he is equal in reputation. True it is that
generally ſpeaking the eaſtern nations have ſel-
dom any ſhare of good taſte, Their writings
are like the bombaſt titles of their ſovereigns, in
which there is frequent mention of the ſun and
moon. The ſpirit of ſlavery ſeems naturally
fond of high ſounding words; whereas that of
liberty is nervous; and real greatneſs aſſumes the
ſtyle of ſimplicity. The Orientals have no de-
licacy, becauſe the women do not mix in com-
pany with the men. They have neither order
nor method; the reaſon is, they let their imagi-
nations rove amid the ſolitary retreats, where they
ſpend great part of their days; now the imagina-
tion is naturally ſubject to irregular flights. They
have been ever ſtrangers to real eloquence, ſuch
as that of Demoſthenes and Cicero. Who have
they to perſuade. in thoſe eaſtern climes ? 3
ut
_ _ _— *
— —— — —
b
{
I
|
1
t
<
{
-
a 2 p=Y PIE «a Sao Aa ©OOU
»*
in the 13th and 14th centuries,
but ſlaves. And yet they have ſome beautiful
ſtrokes here and there; their words are pictu-
reſque; and though their figures are oftentimes
high ſwelling and incoherent, ſtil} they have a
kind of ſublimity, Perhaps you will be pleaſed
to ſee the following tranſlation of a paſſage of
Sady, which reſembles ſome of the ſublime ſtrokes
of the Hebrew prophets: it is a deſcription
of the grandeur of the Deity ; a common place
indeed, but which will ferve as a ſpecimen of
the Perſian genius.
He knows diſtinctly that which ne'er exiſted :-
His ear is fill'd with ſounds that ne'er were heard:
Tho' prince, he wants no cringe nor bended knee
Tho! judge, he needs no written rule nor law.
The pencil of his ſure eternal preſcience
Portrayed our features in our mother's womb.
From eaſt to weſt he drives the rapid ſun,
And ſcatters rubies mid the rugged mountains.
He takes two drops of water: this forms man,
That the tranſlucent pearl in the deep
At his command exiſtence roſe from nothing.
He ſpeaks: and lo the univerſe recoils
Into the immenſity of ſpace and void.
He ſpeaks: and lo the univerſe returns
From nothing's dark abyſs to bright exiſtence.
If the belles lettres were thus cultivated on the
banks of the Euphrates and the Tigris, it is a
proof that the other arts, which contribute to the
amuſements of life, were not neglected. Super-
fluities are not thought of, till neceſſaries ate firſt
acquired. But thoſe neceſſaries were wanting al-
moſt all over Europe. For what did the inhabi-
tants of Germany, France, England, Spain, and
of
185
r . AE Rs
TI Ld 1 a 2 2 py — >. * 1 2 * - 2 a
r
& =:
— 6} SAT on
— _-
RIG RC oo Ga An +:
186 Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix.
of the northern parts of Lombardy, know at this
time? Nothing but the barbarous cuſtoms of
fiefs, alike uncertain and tumultuous ; nothing
but duels, tournaments, ſcholaſtic theology, and
witchcraft. |
In many churches they flill celebrated the fe-
ſtival of the aſs, as well as that of the fools,
'They uſed to lead an afs to the altar, and chant
out an anthem, Amen, Amen, Aſine; eh, eb, eh,
Mr. Aſs; eh, eb, eb, Mr. Aſs. There were idiots,
who walked at the head of all their proceſſions,
with a plaited gown, a little bell, and a fool's
bauble; a cuſtom which is, ſtill, preſerved in
Flanders and in Germany. The whole literature
of our northern nations conſiſted of the farces of
the fooliſh mother, and the prince of faols, in the
vulgar tongue. V
| They talked of nothing but of revelations, ex-
| orciſms, and inchantments. The wife, of Philip
III was accuſed of adultery ; and the king ſent
to conſult a nun, in order to know whether the
queen was guilty.or not. The children of Phi-
lip the Fair entered into an aſſociation in writ-
| ing, whereby they 1 mutually to aſſiſt
each other againſt all perſons that would attempt
to deſtroy them by art magic. By a decree of
parliament a witch was condemned to the flames,
who, in conjunction with the devil, had forged
a deed. in favour of Robert of Artois. The ill -
| nels of Charles VI was attributed to witchcraft,
| and they ſent for a ſorcerer to cure him. In Eng-
| land the ducheſs of Glouceſter was condemned to
do public penance in St. Paul's church *; =
er
— — — — —
#* She was ſentenced to do public penance on three ſeveral _
| Y
— wm ney ra bee OD
in the 12th and 14th centuries,
her pretended accomplice, a peereſs of the realm,
was burnt alive as a ſorcereſs.
When ſuch ſcenes as theſe. the horrid fruits of
credulity, happened to the firſt perſonages in Eu-
rope, it is eaſy to imagine what the private people
muſt have been expoſed to, Bur this was the leaſt
of their misfortunes. |
Germany, France, Spain, and indeed all but
the great trading cities of Italy, had hardly any
ſort of civil government. The walled towns of
Germany and France were plundered during the
civil wars; and the Greek empire was over-run
by the Turks. Spain was ftill divided between
the Chriſtians and the Arabian Mahometans ; and
each party was frequently rent by inteſtine wars.
In fine, under Philip of Valois, Edward III,
Lewis of Bavaria, and Clement VI, a general
peſtilence deſtroyed thoſe who had eſcaped the
ſword and famine. | :
Juſt before this fourteenth century we have
ſeen how the cruſades diſpeopled and impoveriſh-
ed Europe. Aſcending from thoſe'crufades to'the
times which ſucceeded the death of Charlemaign,
we find the fame ſcenes of miſery, and greater
barbariſm. The compariſon between thoſe ages
and ours, ought to make us ſenſible of our hap-
pineſs, notwithſtanding that almoſt invincible
by walking barefoot and bareheaded, with a wax taper in her
hand, through the ſtreets of London to St. Paul's church, and
then to be impriſoned for life. Voltaire is miſtaken- in ſaying
that her accomplice was a peereſs Her name was Margery Gur-
demain, of Eye; ſhe had been counted a witch, and was burat in
Smithfield Oct. 27, 1441. See Tindal annot. «n Rapin. The
public penance above deſcribed is much the ſame as the amende
bonorable of the French, which is mentioned in the 4th volume of
this work, p. 25.
prone-
187
— — —_—
rr
188
Manners and cuſtoms, arts, &c. Ch. Ixix.
proneneſs of human nature to prefer the paſt to
preſent times.
Yet we are not to imagine, that the inunda-
tion of barbariſm was general ; there were men
of eminent virtue in all ftations, on the throne,
and in the cloilter, among the laity as well as
the clergy. But neither a S. Lewis, nor a S. Fer-
dinand, were able to heal the wounds that had
disfigured humanity. The long quarrel between
the emperors and the popes, the obſtinate ſtruggle
which Rome made for her liberty, both againſt
the German Cæſars and the Roman pontifs, the
frequent ſchiſms, and at length the great ſchiſm
of the welt, prevented the popes, who were elect-
ed in times of confuſion, from practiſing ſuch
virtues as more peaceable times would have in-
ſpired. Might not the general corruption of mo-
rals reach even them? The character of men
depends on the age they live in; few, very few,
ever riſe above the manners of the times. Nei-
ther the flagitious crimes into which ſeveral
popes were hurried, nor their ſcandalous lives,
though countenanced by general example, can be
buried in oblivion. Of what uſe then is the
deſcription of their vices, and of their diſaſters ?
To ſhew the happineſs of Rome, ſince it has
been the ſeat of order and tranquillity, What
greater benefit can we receive from the many
viciſſitudes of this general hiſtory, than to con-
vince us that every nation has been unhappy,
till the laws and the legiſlative power have been
properly ſettled ?
As a few monarchs and pontifs, worthy of
better times, could not put a ſtop to ſuch a num-
ber of diſorders; ſo a few men of 2
who
A Ss two fw th... 23 03 =
YA Sd?
- ea _ é f, Ae AN. au ama Gmc. 27
in the 13th and 14th centuries.
who were born in northern climates, could not diſ-
pel the darkneſs that overſpread their country, or
introduce a taſte of learning among the inhabitants,
In vain did king Charles V endeavour to en-
courage abilities, by making a collection of nine
hundred volumes a century before the Va-
tican library was founded by Nicholas V. The
ſoil was not prepared to bear thoſe exotic plants.
Collections have been made of the wretched com-
poſitions of that time; which may be compared
to raiſing a heap of ſtones out of old ruins, at
the ſame time that you are ſurrounded with pa-
laces. He was obliged to ſend to Piſa for an
aſtrologer ; and Catharine, the daughter of that
aſtrologer, who wrote in French, pretends that
Charles ſaid, /o long as learning hall be hanoured in
189
France, this kingdom will continue to flouriſh. But
learning they had none at that time; much
leſs had they any taſte : the French poſſeſſed only
the advantage of making a better appearance than
other nations.
When Charles of Valois, brother of Philip the
Fair, went to Italy, the Lomba'ds, and even the
Tuſcans, aped the French faſhions. Thoſe fa-
ſhions were extravagantly whimſical ; ſuch as a
boddice laced behind, like womens ſtays in our
time: large hanging ſleeves, and a great capuche
or cowl, the point of which hung down to the
ground. Yet the French gentlemen behaved with
an air in this maſquerade, and juſtified the ſaying
of Frederick II, Plaz me el cavalier Francez. It
would have been better had they been acquainted
with the military diſcipline ;_ France would not
have been then a prey to foreigners under Philip
of Valois, John, and Charles VI. But how came
the
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190,
Infranchiſements, Ch. Ixx.
the Engliſh to be better troops ? Perhaps it was
becauſe, as they fought at ſome diſtance from
home, they were more ſenſible of the neceſſity
of diſcipline; or rather, becauſe the courage. of
that nation is cooler, and more the reſult of re-
flexion.
CHAP. LXX.
Infranchiſements, privileges cities, eſtates
general.
N the mean time from ſuch a multitude of
I diſaſters aroſe the ineſtimable bleſſing of liber-
ty, to whoſe kind influence the imperial cities,
and ſo many other towns owe their preſent flou-
riſhing condition.
You have already obſerved, that at the begin-
ning of the feudal anarchy, almoſt all the towns
were peopied rather with bondmen than with
citizens, as we have ſtill an inſtance in Poland,
where there are only three or four cities that can
poſſeſs any lands, and where the inhabitants are
the property of their lord, who has over them
the power of life and death, It was formerly the
ſame in Germany and in France. The emperors
began, with infranchiſing ſeveral towns: and theſe
ſo early as the thirteenth century united for their
common defence ' againſt the lords of the caſtles
who ſubſiſted by plunder.
In France Lewis the Fat followed. this example
on his own demeſnes, in order to weaken the
lords who waged war againſt him, The ſmall |
towns
privileges of cities, &c.
towns purchaſed their liberty afterwards of the
lords themſelves, who wanted money. to maintain
the honour of chivalry in the holy land.
In fine, in 1167 pope Alexander III declared,
in the name of a council, that all Chriftians ought !
to be exempt | from ſervitude. This law alone
ſhould render his memory dear to all nations;
as the efforts he made in ſupport of the liberty of
Italy, ought to render his name precious to the
Italians, - | | :
It is in virtue of this law that Lewis X declared -
a long time after in his charters, that all the
bond-men ſtill remaining in France, ought to be
ſet free: becauſe, ſaid he, it is the kingdom of the *
Franks. He made them indeed pay for this li-
berty 3 but could they purchaſe it too dear!
Yet the people recovered only by degrees,
and with great difficulty, their natural right.
Lewis X could not oblige the lords his vaſſals
to do for the ſubjects of their demeſnes what he
had done for his. The huſbandmen, and even
the burghers themſelves, for a long time conti-
nued in a ſtate of villenage, as they do ftill in
ſeveral provinces of Germany. It was not till the
reign of Charles VII that ſervitude was entirely
aboliſhed in France by the weakening of the lords.
Even the Engliſh themſelves contributed greatly
to this revolution, by bringing with them that
ſweet bleſſing liberty, the characteriſtic. of their
nation. 4 2 8
Before the reign of Lewis X our kings en-
nobled ſome citizens. Lewis the Bold, ſon of
St. Lewis, ennobled Raoul, who was called
Rav! tbe Goldſmith : Not that he was a gold-
{mith, for the ennobling of ſuch an artizan would
2 have
Infranchiſements, Ch. Ixx.
have been ridiculous; but becauſe he kept the
king's money. For theſe depoſitaries were called
goldſmiths, a name which they ſtill bear in Lon-
don, where many of the ancient words and cuſ—
toms of France are ſtill preſerved.
The communities of towns had begun under
Philip the Fair in 1301, to be admitted to the
eſtates general, which at that time were ſubſti-
tuted to the ancient parliaments of the nation,
compoſed before of lords and prelates. The third
eſtate gave their vote under the name of requeſt ;
and this requeſt they preſented on their knees.
The cuſtom has ſtill obtained that the deputies of
the third eftate ſhould be -upon their knees when
they ſpeak to the king, as the gentlemen of the
long robe at the beds of juſtice, Theſe firſt
general eſtates, or aſſemblies, were held, in or-
der to oppoſe the pretenſions of pope Boniface
VIII. We muſt confeſs, that the condition of
humanity was very wretched, when there were
only two orders in the kingdom, one compoſed
of the lords of fiefs, who did not conſtitute the
five thouſandth part of the nation; and the other
of the clergy, who were ſtill leſs numerous, and
who by their ſacred inſtitution are deſigned for
a ſuperior miniſtry, quite foreign to temporal af-
fairs. The body of the nation had hitherto paſſed
for nothing. This is one of the real cauſes which
kept the kingdom of France in a languiſhing con-
dition, by checking induſtry. If in Holland and
England the legiſlature had conſiſted only of the
lords ſpiritual and temporal, theſe people would
never have been able, in the war of 1701, to
hold the balance of Europe,
There-
privileges of cities,” &c.
Therefore Philip the Fair, who is charged with
want of probity in the article of coin, with per-
ſecuting the templars, and with perhaps too vio-
lent an animofity againſt pope Boniface VIII,
and his memory, did a great ſervice to the na-
tion by ſummoning the third eſtate to the gene-
ral aſſemblies of France, | To —-
About this time the houſe of commons began
to eſtabliſh itſelf in England, having greatly in-
creaſed its weight ſo early as the year 1300.
Thus in almoſt every part of Europe the chaos
of government was reduced to ſome order, by
thoſe very calamities which had been the effe
of the feudal laws. But though the people re-
ſumed their liberty and their natural rights, yet
it was a long time before they could ſhake off
that barbariſm, which they had derived from
a long ſtate of ſervitude. It is true they ac-
quired their liberty, and began to be conſidered as
men ; but they were not as yet more poliſhed,
nor more induſtrious. The bloody wars of Ed-
ward III and Henry V flung the people of France
into a worſe condition than that of ſlavery ; nor
did they. begin to breathe till the latter end 6f
Charles VIIth's reign. The people were not leſß
unhappy in England after the reign of Henry V.
In Germany their fate was not»ſo' hard in the
reigns of Wenceſlaus and Sigiſmond, becauſe the
imperial cities had already acquired a conſiderable
degree of power. ayes Raw adi
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——— — DRE CC —_
Taxes and coins. Ch. Ixxi.
CHAP. LXXL,
Of taxes and coins.
TVHE only thing done by the third eſtate in
the general aſſembly of the kingdom, held
under Philip of Valois in 1345, was to contri-
bute to the eſtabliſhment of the firſt impoſt of the
royal aid, and of the exciſe upon ſalt. It is certain
however, that if the eſtates had been aſſembled
more often in France, they would have acquired
more authority ; for under the government of this
very Philip of Valois, who was become odious b
the debaſing of the coin, and contemptible Tacke!
his misfortunes, the eſtates themſelves appointed
commiſſaries of the three orders in 1355, to col-
left the money which they had granted the king.
Thofe who give what they pleaſe, and as they
pleaſe, do in ſome meaſure partake of the ſu-
preme authority. This is the reaſon that the
kings of France never ſummoned theſe afſem-
blies, except when they could not do without
them. Thus through want of practice in exa-
mining the wants, the reſources, and the ſtrength
of the nation, the eſtates general never had that
ſteady ſpirit, nor that knowledge of buſineſs, for
which all regular bodies are diſtinguiſhed. As
| they were ſummoned but ſeldom, and at great
intervals of time, they were obliged to in-
form themſelves of the laws and cuſtoms, inſtead
of making them ; in ſhort, they were ſurprized
and loſt in uncertainties. The parliament of
England aſſumed greater privileges, by eſtabliſh-
ing and ſupporting its right of repreſenting the
J
Taxes and coins.
body of the nation. Aad here eſpecially the dif-
ference of the two people lies: they both ſet out
with the ſame principles; yet their govern-
ment, which at that time was quite alike, is now
intirely different. The eſtates of Arragon, and
of Hungary, as well as the diets of Germany,
had ſtill greater privileges.
The eſtates general of France, or rather that
part of France, which fought under king Charles
VII, againſt the uſurper Henry V, generouſly
laid a general land-tax in 1426, in the very
heighth of the war, at a time of ſcarcity, when
they were even afraid of leaving their lands
uncultivated. This impoſt has been continued
ever ſince. Before that time the kings lived on
their demeſnes, but Charles VII had ſcarce any
left; and had it not been for the brave warriors
who ſacrificed themſelves for him and for their
country, and likewiſe for the conſtable de Riche-
mont, who had a great aſcendant over him, but
at the ſame time ſerved him at his own expence,
he muſt have been undone.
Soon after, the huſbandmen, who before that
time had paid the land: tax to their lords, in qua-
I:ty of bond-men, paid this tribute to the king in
quality of ſubjects. Not but the kings of France
had alſo levied a land-tax, even before St. Lewis,
within the diſtricts of the royal patrimony. Every
one knows the tax of bread and wine, which at
firſt was paid in kind, and afterwards in money.
The French word taille ſignifying a tax, is de-
rived from the cuſtom which the collectors had
of marking on a little tally, what the. perſons li-
able to contribution had given : nothing was more
rare in thoſe days, * for the common people
2 3
195
196 Taxes and coins. Ch. Ixxi. |
to write, Even the very cuſtoms of cities were
not written; and it was this ſame Charles VII
that ordered them to be reduced to writing in
1454, when he had reſtored that order and tran-
quillity, of which his kingdom had been ſo long
deprived, and when ſuch a ſeries of misfortunes
had given birth to a new form of government.
Here I am taking rather a general ſurvey of the
fate of mankind, than of the revolutions of thrones.
Hiſtory ſhould pay more attention than it does
to the human race: here it is that each writer
ought to ſay homo ſum ; but inſtead of that, moſt
hiſtorians have employed their pens in the de-
ſcription of battles. | |
The affair of the mint was a point which
ſtill diſturbed moſt kingdoms in Europe, as
well as the peace and proſperity of private fa-
milies. Each lord ftruck his own coin, and
altered the ftandard and weight at will, doing
a laſting prejudice to himſelf for a tranſitory ad-
vantage, The crowned heads indeed had been
obliged, by the neceſſity of the times, to ſet this
fatal example, I have already obſerved, that the
old of one part of Europe, and eſpecially of
F rance, had been conſumed in Aſia, and in A-
frica, by the misfortunes of the cruſades. They
were therefore obliged, as new wants inceſſantly
preſſed them, to increaſe the numerical value of
money. At the time of Charles V, after he had
reconquered his kingdom, the livre was worth
ſeven numerical livres; under Charlemaign it had
the real weight of a livre, or a pound. There-
fore the livre under Charles V was, in reality, only
the ſeventh part of the ancient livre. Conſe-
quently a family, whoſe whole ſubſiſtence conſiſted
- OT | in
Taxes and coins.
in an ancient ſervice, in an infeoffment, or in a
duty payable in money, was become ſeven times
the poorer. 3
We may judge by an example ſtill more ſtrik-
ing, of the ſmall quantity of ſpecie that circu-
lated in France. This very Charles V decreed
that the king's younger children ſhould have an
appennage of twelve thouſand livres a year :
theſe twelve thouſand livres are not worth more
than a hundred and fourſcore thouſand livres
preſent money. What a ſmall proviſion for a
king's ſon ! However, there was the ſame ſcar-
city of ſpecie in Germany, in Spain, and in
England,
Edward III was the firſt that ſtruck gold coin :
and it may be remembered that the Romans had
none, till ſix hundred and fifty years after the
foundation of their city.
The whole revenue of Henry V, king of Eng-
land, was but fifty-ſix thouſand pounds Rerling,
and yet with this weak ſupply he attempted the
conqueſt of France. After the battle of Agincourt
he was obliged to return to London, in order to
borrow money, and to pledge his jewels to re-
new the war. In fine, he puſhed his conqueſts
rather by the ſword than by gold.
In Sweden they had no money but of copper
and iron. Nor in Denmark had they any ſil-
ver, but what had been brought into that coun-
2 1 very ſmall quantities by the trade of Lu-
eck.
In this general ſcarcity of ſilver, which France
experienced after the cruſades, king Philip the
Fair not only raiſed the fictitious and ideal value
of ſpecie; but he ordered ſome to be coined that
4 had
197
Of the parliament Ch lxxii.
had too much alloy. In ſhort it was counter-
feit coin, and the diſturbances which this ope-
ration occaſioned, did not render the nation more
happy. Philip of Valois went farther than Phi-
lip the Fair; he made the officers of the mint
ſwear by the evangeliſts, that they would keep
the ſecret. In his. ordinance he enjoins them to
deceive the merchants, in ſuch a manner, that they
may not perceive there has been any alteration in
the weight, But how could he flatter himſelf that
this fraud ſhould remain undiſcovered ? And what
ſad times muſt thoſe have been, when they were
obliged to have recourſe to ſuch artifices! What
ſad times, when all the feudal lords ſince the
reign of St, Lewis did the very thing for which
Philip the Fair, and Philip of Valois, are fo
greatly condemned ? In France thoſe lords ſold
their right of coinage to the ſovereign : in Ger-
many they have all preſerved it; from whence
very great abuſes, though not ſo general, nor ſo
pernicious, do frequently ariſe,
CLAP... LXXE. - .
Of the parliament till the reign of Charles VII.
HOUGH Philip the Fair did ſo much
| j miſchief by debaſing the ſterling coin of
St. Lewis, yet we have ſeen that he did a vaſt
deal of good in ſummoning the burghers, who in
effect are the body of the nation, to the general
aſſemblies. Another great piece of ſervice he did
the people, was the inſtituting a ſupreme __
| "IE | | 6
till the reign of Charles VIT.
of judicature, which reſides at Paris under the
name of parliament.
The ſeveral writings concerning the origin and
nature of the parliament of Paris, afford us but
a very imperfect light, becauſe all tranſitions from
ancient to new uſages are inſenſible. Some will
have, it that the chambers of inqueſts and requeſts
exactly repreſent the ancient conquerors of Gaul:
others pretend, that the parliament has no other
right to adminiſter juſtice, but becauſe the an-
cient peers were the judges of the nation, and
the parliament is called the court of peer.
This however is certain, that there was a great
alteration made in France under Philip the Fair,
in the beginning of the fourteenth century;
which is, that the great feudal and ariſtocratical
government was inſenſibly demoliſhed in the
king of France's demeſnes ; that Philip the Fair
inſtituted almoſt at the ſame time the parliaments
of Paris, Toulouſe, Normandy, and the general
ſeſſions of Troye, for the adminiſtering of juſ-
tice ; that the parliament of Paris was the moſt
conſiderable, becauſe of the extent of its juriſ-
diction ; that the ſame Philip the Fair fixed it at
Paris, and that Philip the Long rendered it per-
petual. This court became the depoſitary, and
the interpreter of the ancient and new laws, the
guardian of the rights of the crown, and the ora-
cle of the nation. 4
The king's council, the eſtates general, and
the parliament, were three very different things.
The eſtates general were really the ancient par-
liament of the whole nation, to which were add-
ed the deputies of the commons. The king's
council, was compoſed of fuch great officers as
K 4 - mM
199
Of the parliament Ch. Ixxii.
he thaught proper to admit, and eſpecially of the
peers of the realm, who were all princes of the
blood: the court of judicature, known by the
name of parliament, and eſtabliſhed at Patis, was
at firſt, compoſed of biſhops and knights, aſſiſted
by clerks, either eccleſiaſtics or laymen, well ver-
ſed in judicial proceedings. |
The peers muſt certainly have had a right of
ſitting in this court, ſince they were originally the
Judges of the nation. But even if they had had
no ſuch right, this would not have hindered the
parliament from being a ſupreme court of judi-
cature; juſt as in Germany, the imperial cham-
ber is a ſupreme court, though neither the elect-
ors, nor the other princes of the empire, ever it
there; and as the council of Caſtile is a ſupreme
court, though the grandees of Spain have-no ſeats
in that aſſembly, .
Tbe parliament was not the ſame as the old
field meetings in March and May, whoſe name
it retained. The peers had indesd the right of
fitting in this court; but theſe peers were not
ſuch as they are now in England, the only no-
bles of the kingdom. They were princes who
held of the crown; and when new peers were
created, the king durſt not but chuſe them from
among the princes. When Champagne ceaſed
to be a peerage, in conſequence of Philip the
Fair's having acquired it by marriage, he erected
Britany and Artois into peerages. btleſs the
ſovereigns of thoſe countries did not judge cauſes
in the parliament of Paris; but a. great many
biſhops did. In the beginning this new parlia-
ment met four times a year; the members _
. 4 en
till the reign of Charles VII.
often changed, and the king paid for each of
their ſeſſions out of his exchequer.
Theſe parliaments were called ſovereign courts ;
the preſident had the title of ſovereign of the bo-
dy, which ſignified no more than the head; as
appears by theſe expreſs words in the ordinance
of Philip the Fair ; that no maſter ſhall abſent him-
ſelf from the chamber, without leave of the ſeve-
reign, I ſhould alfo obſerve, that in the begin-
ning no one was allowed to plead by proxy, they
were obliged to come and make their appearance
themſelves in court, unleſs they had a particular
diſpenſation from the king. |
If the biſhops had preſerved their right of aſſiſt -
ing at the ſeſſions of parliament, it would have
been a perpetual aflembly of the eſtates general.
But they were excluded from thence under Philip
the Long in 1320. In the beginning they pre-
faded in parliament, and took place of the chan-
cellor. The firſt layman who preſided in this
court by the king's order, in 1320, was a count
of Boulogne, 'I he gentlemen of the law took
only the title of counſellors, till towards the year
+350, In proceſs of time the lawyers becoming
preſidents, wore the mantle of ceremony belong-
ng to the knights. They had the privileges of
noblemen, and were oftentimes called nights of
the law. But the ancient noble families who had
acquired their titles by arms, ever ſnewed a con-
tempt for this peaceful nobility. In fact, we ſee
that the deſcendants of the gentlemen of the long
robe are not as yet admitted into the chapters of
Germany : But it is a prejudice of ancient bar-
bariſm, thus to degrade the nobleſt function of
humanity, that of adminiſtering juſtice, +
K 5 It
201.
202
Of the parliament Ch. Ixxii.
It was in this perpetual parliament eſtabliſhed
at Paris in the palace of Lewin that Charles
the VIth held that famous bed of juſtice the 23d
of December 1420, in the preſence of Henry V,
king of England; and it was there he nominated
his beloved ſon Henry heir regent of the kingdom.
It was there the king's ſon was called only Charles
the pretended dauphin, and that all the accomplices
of the murder of John the Fearliſs, duke of Bur-
gundy, were declared guilty of high treaſon, and
excluded from the right of ſucceflion. This was
in reality condemning the dauphin, without nam-
ing him.
Further, it is aſſerted, that the regiſters of the
parliament in the year 1420 take notice, that the
dauphin (afterwards Charles VII) had been pre-
viouſly ſummoned three times by ſound of trumpet
in the month of January, and that for default of
appearing he was outlawed : from which ſentence,
Jays this regiſter, be appealed io God, and to his ſword.
If this regiſter be true, there muſt have been very
near a whole year's interval between the outlawry
and the bed of juſtice, which confirmed this fa-
tal decree. But it is not at all aſtoniſhing that
ſuch a ſentence paſſed. Philip duke of Burgundy,
fon of the murdered duke, was all powerful in
Paris; the dauphin's mother had conceived an
implacable averſion to her ſon; the king bereft
of his underſtanding was in the hands of foreign-
ers; and to conclude the whole, the dauphin had
puniſhed one crime by the perpetration of an-
other ſtil] more horrid, having cauſed his relation
John duke of Burgundy to be murdered in his
own preſence, after drawing him into a ſnare
upon the faith of the moſt ſolemn oaths. hoe
| mu
till the reign of Charles VII.
muſt likewiſe conſider the ſpirit of the times.
This very Henry V, king of England, and re-
gent of France, was impriſoned, when only prince
of Wales, by order of one of the judges, for
giving him a box' on the ear as he fat upon the
nch.
The ſame century produced another inſtance
of extreme ſeverity cf juſtice. A ban “ of Cro-
atia dared to condemn Elizabeth regent of Hun-
gary to be drowned, for being guilty of the mur-
der of king Charles of Durazzo; and the ſen-
tence was accordingly executed, _
The judgment of the parliament againſt the
dauphin was of another kind; for it was dictated.
dy ſuperior force. They took no cognizance of
John duke of Burgundy when he aſſaſſinated the
duke of Orleans, and yet they proceeded againſt
the dauphin, in order to puniſh the murder of an
aſſaſſin.
In reading the lamentable hiſtory of thoſe days,
we ought to remember, that after the famous
treaty of Troye, which transferred the crown of
France to Henry V, king of England, there were
two parliaments at the ſame time, as there were
two at the time of the league, about three hun-
dred years afterwards 3 but every thing was dou-
ble in the confuſion that happened under Charles
VI. There were two kings, two queens, two
parliaments, two univerſities of Paris, and each
party had its marſhals, and its great officers.
I ſhall obſerve likewiſe, that in thoſe days when
a peer of the realm was to be tried, the king was
A ban fgnifies a kind of chief juſtice, and generaliflimo of
the army, |
T 6 =: obliged
Of the parliament Ch. Ixxii.
' obliged to preſide in court. In conſequence of
this cuſtom Charles VII, the lat year of his life,
fat at the head of the judges, who condemned
the duke of Alengon; a cuſtom: which ſince then
has appeared inconſiſtent with juſtice, and un-
worthy of royal majeſty; —. the preſence of
the ſovereign ſeems to conſtrain the judges, and
to become a circumſtance prejudicial, when it,
ſhould naturally be favourable to the criminal.
In fine, I ſhall obſerve, that for the trial of a
peer it was neceſſary to ſummon the peers, who
were his natural judges. Charles VII added the
great officers of the crown in the affair of the duke
of Alencon; nay, he did more, be admitted the
treaſurers of France with the lay deputies of the
parliament, 'Tbus every thing changes; ſo that
the hiſtory of the cuſtoms, laws, and privileges,
in a great many countries, and. eſpecially in
France, is only a moveable picture.
It is therefore an idle notion, and an ungrateful
faſk, to think of reducing every thing to the an-
cient uſages, and to want to fix that wheel which
time revolves with irreſiſtible motion. To what
æra muſt we have recourſe ? To that when the
word: parliament ſigniſied an aſſembly of free cap-
tains, who met in the open fields on the firſt of
March, to regulate the diſtribution of the ſpoils ?
Or to that when all the biſhops, had a right of
ſitting in a court of judicature, alſo called par-
liament? Or to the time when the barons kept
the commons in a ſtate of ſlavery ? To what age,
to what laws muſt we aſcend, what euſtom muſt
we abide by? A modern Roman might with as
much reaſon inſiſt upon the -pope's re-eſtabliſhing
the conſuls, the tribunes, the ſenate, the —
| 0 \ an
till the reign of Charles VII.
and the intire form of the ancient republic; or
a modern Athenian might as well defire the ſultan
to reſtore'the ancient Areopagus *, and the aſſem-
Ar. LXXII.
Of the council of Baſil held at the time of
| | arles VII. |
FAUOUNCILS are, in regard to popes, the
ſame as eſtates general in reſpect to kings:
but things that bear the greateſt reſemblance have
ſtill ſome difference. In limited monarchies, even
where there is the greateſt mixture of a republican
ſpirit, the eſtates never fancied themfelves above
their kings, though they have often depoſed them
under particular emergencies, or during inteſtine
troubles. The electors who depoſed the emperor
Wenceſlaus never imagined themſelves ſuperior
to a reigning emperor. The cortes or eſtates of
Arragon uſed to tell the king whom they elected,
nos que valemos tanto como Vos, e que podemos mas
que vos; Wwe who are as good as you, and who can
& more than you but Aer his coronation they
* The court of judgment at Athens, eſtabliſhed on a hill of
that name, in the year of the world 2545, and before Chriſt
1490, in the reign of Cecrops. It is ſaid that Mars was the firſt
accuſed in this court by Neptune, for killing his ſon Halirro-
thius. Mars was acquitted, and ever after the hill bore the name
of Areopagus, from T«dyog, fignifying a village or place, and
*Agnc, the name the Greeks gave to this Deity, Here it was
that St. Paul preached to the Athenians, See Plut, Pauſ. St.
Auftin, de civ, Dei,
| 4 ceaſed
*
205
Of the council of Bafil Ch. Ixxili.
ceaſed to. expreſs themſelves in this kind of ſtyle;
they no longer called themſelves the ſuperiors of
a perſon whom they had made their maſter.
But it is not the ſame thing with an aſſembly
of biſhops of ſo many independent churches,
as with the body of a monarchical ſtate. K This
body has a ſovereign ; whereas the ſeveral churches
have only a firſt metropolitan. Matters of veli-
ion, doctrine, and diſcipline, cannot be ſubmit-
ted to the deciſion of a fingle man in contempt of
the whole world. Councils are therefore ſuperior
to. popes, in the ſame ſenſe as the opinion of a
thouſand perſons ought to prevail over that of
one, The queſtion is to know, whether they
have a right to depoſe him, as the diets of Po-
land, and the electors of the German empire have
a right to depoſe their ſovereign. _
This is one of thoſe queſtions which force
alone is able to decide, If, on the one hand,
a ſimple provincial council may depoſe a biſhop,
ſurely an aſſembly of the whole chriſtian world
may degrade the biſhop of Rome. But, on the
other hand, this biſhop is a ſovereign, an autho-
rity which he has not derived from any council :
how then can a council deprive him of it, eſpe-
cially when his ſubjeCts are ſatisfied with his ad-
miniſtration? In vain would all the biſhops of
the univerſe depoſe an eccleſiaſtic elector, with
whom the empire and his electorate were ſatisfied ;
he would ſtil] continue an elector, with the ſame
right as a king excommunicated by the whole
church, but maſter at home, would continue to
be a ſovereign. |
The council of Conſtance depoſed the ſovereign
of Rome, becauſe the Romans were neither will-
ing
at the time of Charles VII.
ing nor able to oppoſe it. The council of Ba-
ſil, by attempting, ten years afterwards, to fol-
low this example, ſhewed' the world how eaſily
we may be deceived by precedents, how great a
difference there is in affair which appear to be of
the ſame nature, and how what is great and bold
at one time, may be trifling and raſh at another,
The council of Baſil was only a prolongation
of ſeveral others which had been ſummoned by
pope Martin V, ſometimes at Pavia, and ſome-
times at Sienna : but as ſoon as pope Eugene IV
was elected, in 1431, the fathers began with de-
claring, that the pope had neither a right to diſ-
ſolve, nor even to transfer their aſſembly, and
207
that he himſelf was ſubject to their juriſdiction.
Upon this declaration pope Eugene iſſued out a
bull diſſolving the council. The fathers, by this
precipitate ſtep, ſhewed more zeal than prudence;
and their zeal might have been attended with fa-
tal conſequences. Sigiſmond, who {till ſat on the
imperial throne, had not Eugene's perſon in his
power, as he had had John XXIII; ſo that he
was obliged to behave with great circumſpeQion
as well towards the pope as towards the council.
This ſcandalous affair was a long time confined
to . ; and both eaſt and weſt were en-
gaged in the cauſe. The Greek empire was no
longer able to maintain itſelf againſt the Turks,
but by the aſſiſtance of the Latin princes; and, in
order to obtain a weak and very uncertain ſup-
ly, the eaſtern church muſt ſubmit to that of
ome. The Greeks were very far from being
inclined to this ſubmiſſion ; nay, as their danger
approached, they rather grew more ſtubborn, But
the emperor John Paleologus, whom the danger
cat-
r — *
5 E —— 7 — ror —n *
Q— ä ——— — * r
PP
Of the council of Baſil Ch. Ixxili.
threatened more nearly, reſolved politically to
comply with- what his whole clergy had refuſed
through obſtinacy. He was ready to agree to
every thing, provided they would aſſiſt him: he
addreſſed himſelf at the ſame time to the pope,
and to the council, and they both contended who
ſhould have the honour of converting the Greeks.
He ſent ambaſſadors to Baſil, where the pope had
a few of his party, who were more artful than
the reſt of the fathers. The council had decreed
to ſend ſome money to the emperor, and galleys
to eſeort him to Italy; and that afterwards he
fhould be received at Baſil. The pope's emiſſa-
ries made a ſubreptitious decree, by which it was
ordained, in the name of the council itſelf, that
the emperor ſhould be received at Florence, whi-
ther the pope had transferred the aſſembly; they
likewiſe broke the lock of the box where the
council kept the ſeals; and thus they ſigned, in
the name of the fathers, the very contrary of
what had been voted by that body. This Ita-
lian artifice ſucceeded, -and it then appeared
that the pope muſt, in every reſpect, have the
advantage.
The fathers at Baſil had no chief, like thoſe at
the council of Conſtance, that was able to keep
them united, and to cruſh the pope. They had
no ſettled plan; they even behaved with ſo little
nce, that in a certain writing which they de-
livered to the Greek ambaſſadors, it was mention-
ed, that aſter deſtroying the hereſy of the Huſſites,
they would extirpate the errors of the Greek church.
The pope acted with greater eunning; he ſpoke
to the Greeks of nothing but of union and bro-
therly, love, and avoided all harſh expreflions. He
17 Was
at the time of Charles VII.
was 2 man of abilities, of which he had ſhewn
ſignal proofs, | by appealing the commotions at
Rome, and; by attaining to; his preſent degree of
ower, in ſpite of - ſuch ſtrong oppoſition: in
ort, his gallies were ready hefore thoſe of the
council.
209
The emperor had his exponces defrayed by
the pope,, embarks with his patriarch and a few
ſelect biſhops, who were ready to abjure the opi-
nions of the Greek church to ſave their country.
The pope received them at Ferrara, where the
emperor. and the biſhops, notwithſtanding their
real ſubmiſſion, preſerved 'the, appearance of the
majeſty of the empire, and of the dignity of the
Greek church. None of them kiſſed the pope's
toe; but after ſome conteſts about the word flio-
que, which Rome had long ſince inſerted in the
ſymbol, as alſo about unleavened bread, and pur-
07 thay reconeiled themſelves in n
to the Roman church. [TI 43
Joon: temoyes. bis, council from Ferrara 60
Florence, where the deputies of the Greek church
embraced the opinion of purgatory. Here it was
decided, that the 5 Holy Gbeſt praceeds from the Father:
and the Son by the produttion of inſpiration; that
the Father communitates euery thing to the Sor ca-
cepting his paternity; and that the "Son bas 4 4
productive virtue From: all eternity.
At length: the Greek empetor,, wich his ated
arch, and almoſt all bis prelates, ſubſcribed at
Florence to the point ſo. long conteſted of the
ſupremacy.of. Rome.
This union of the Latins and the Greeks was
Indeed but of a ſhort duration, for the whole Greek
mage diſowned it: hawever, the pape's victory
; Was
— - - — =
210 Of the council of Bafil Ch. Ixxiii.
was not the Jeſs glorious ; and never pontif ſeem-
ed to enjoy a more ſplendid triumph.
At the very time that he was rendering this
ſervice to the Latins, and that he extinguiſhed,
as much as in him lay, the ſchiſm between the
1439. eaſtern and weſtern churches, the council of Baſil
depoſed him from the pontificate, declaring him
guilty of rebellion, ſimony, ſchiſm, hereſy, and per-
6
jury.
if we conſider the council by this decree, we
ſhall find them to be an aſſembly of factious pre-
lates; but if we view them by the rules of diſci-
pline which they eſtabliſhed, they will appear to
be men of conſummate wiſdom. This is becauſe
paſſion had no ſhare in theſe regulations, whereas
they were ſwayed by it intirely in the degrading of
pope Eugene. The moſt auguſt body, when un-
der the influence of faction, commit more miſ-
takes than a ſingle perſon. © In France the council
of Charles VII embraced thoſe” prudent regula-
tions, and rejected the decree which had been
dictated by the ſpirit of party.
It is theſe regulations which long contributed
to render the pragmatic ſanction ſo dear to the
French nation. That which had been promulged
by France, were-aboliſhed by the artifices of the
court of Rome. By this famous pragmatic ſan-
ction the cuſtoms were reſtored ; the elections
made by the clergy with the king's approba-
tion were confirmed; the annats were declared
ſimoniacal; and the reſerves and expectatory graces
were condemned. But on the one hand, men
ſeldom have the courage to exert their whole
| . ſtrength 3
by St. Lewis, could ſcarce be ſaid to ſubſiſt ; and
the cuſtoms which had been in vain inſiſted upon
at the time of Charles VII.
ſtrength; and on the other, they ſometimes exert
their ſtrength too much. This famous law which
ſecures the liberties of the Gallican church, per-
mits appeals to be made to the pope in the laſt
reſort, and that he ſhould delegate judges in all
eccleſiaſtic cauſes, which might be ſo eaſily deter-
mined by national biſhops. This was in ſome
meaſure acknowledging the pope as maſter : and
at the very time that the pragmatic ſanction left
him poſſella of the firſt of all rights, they forbid
him to create more than four and twenty cardi-
nals, with as little reaſon as the pope would have
to fix the number of the dukes and peers in
France, or of the grandees in Spain. Thus
mankind are made up of contradiction.
It was likewiſe the diſcipline eſtabliſhed by this
council that produced the Germanic concordate :
but the pragmatic ſanction has been aboliſhed in
France, whereas the Germanic concordate is ftill
in force. All the uſages of Germany have been
Preſerved, ſuch as the election of prelates, the
inveſtiture of princes, the privileges of cities, the
rights, the ranks and order of precedences ; hardly
any thing has changed. On the contrary,
in France we ſee not the leaſt remains of th
cuſtoms received in the reign of Charles VII.
After the council of Baſil had vainly depoſed a
very prudent pope, whoſe authority all Europe
continued to acknowledge, they ſet up, as every
body knows, a mere phantom in his room, a duke
of davoy, named Amadeus VIII ; who from be-
ing the firſt duke of his family, was now become
an hermit at Ripaglia. Poggio does not think
his devotion was real ; this however is certain,
that he could not withſtand the ambition of being
pope.
212
Of the council of Bafil Ch. Ixxiii
pope. He was declared ſupreme pontif, though
a layman : and that which had cauſed ſuch a vi-
olent ſchiſm and ſuch wars at the time of Urban
VI, was now attended with no other effect than
with eccleſiaſtical quarrels, bulls, cenſures, reci-
procal excommunications, and contumelious ex-
—— For if the council on one hand called
ugene 4 ſimoniſt, an heretic, a perjurer ; on the
other Eugene's ſecretary treated the fathers as
fools, madmen, and barbarians; and to Amadeus
they gave the name of Cerberus, and of Antichri/?.
In ſhort, under pope Nicholas V, the council in-
ſenſibly dwindled away of itſelf; and this duke of
Savoy, hermit and pope, contented'himſelf with a
cardinal's hat, whereby the church was reſtored
to her uſual tranquillity.
This council ſhews how greatly things are
ſubject to change, according to the difference of
times. The fathers at the council of Conſtance
condemned John Huſs and Jerome of Prague to
the flames, notwichſtanding the ſolemn. proteſta-
tion. of: theſe men, that they did not follow the
dogmas of Wicleff, and notwithſtanding the clear
explication they gave of their faith concerning
the real preſence, perſiſting only in Widcleft's
ſentiments in regard to the hierarchy and diſci-
pline of the church.
At the time of the council of Baſil the Huſ-
fites went much farther than their two founders.
Procopius, that famous captain, companion and
ſucceſſor of John Ziſka, came and diſputed in the
council at the head of two hundred gentlemen of
his party. Among other things he maintained,
that monkery was invented by the devil, Yes, (aid
he, I will prove it. Is it not true that Jeſus
Chriſt |
— > a +
at the time of Charles VII. 213
Chriſt did not inſtitute this kind of life ? we do
not deny it, anſwered cardinal Julian: well, ſaid
Procopius, it is therefore plain that it was in-
vented by the devil. A reaſoning worthy of a
Bohemian captain of thoſe days. Aneas Sylvius“,
who was witneſs of the ſcene, ſays, that they an-
| ſwered Procopius only with a loud fit of laughter:
a but the unfortunate John Huſs and Jerome of
ö Prague had been anſwered by a ſentence of death.
, During this council we have ſeen how greatly
. the Greek emperors debaſed themſelves : they
. muſt ſurely have been upon the brink of ruin,
ö
when they cringed for ſuch feeble ſuccours to
a Rome, and made a ſacrifice of their religion,
In fact they fell ſome years afterwards a victim
to the Turks, who became maſters of Conſtan-
* tinople. We ſhall now ſee the cauſes and con-
ff ſequences of this revolution.
e
0 * /Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini was born at Corſini, a village
a- in the territory of Sienna in 1405, He applied himſelf early to
\e literature, and appeared with diſtinction when he was only 26
years old at the council of Baſil, in defence of which he wrote
ar ſeveral pieces againſt pope Eugene IV. He was employed in
1g different negotiations, and promoted to the biſhopric of Trieſte,
s afterwards to that of Sienna, and at length made cardinal by
; Calixtus III in 1456. Upon the death of that pope, Æneas
Ce Sylvius was elected in his ſtead 27 Aug. 1458, when he took
the name of Pius II, He publiſhed in 1460 the bull Execra-
* bilis againſt appeals to future councils; and another in 1463,
wherein he retraQs all he had written in favour of the council
I'S, of Baſil, He died at Ancona in 1454, and his works were
nd publiſhed at Helmſtad, in folio, in 1700.
the
of
ed, >
aid 7,
ſu |
rift
CHAP,
214
1283.
Decline of the Ch. lxxiv.
CHAP. LXXIV.
Of the decline of the Greek empire.
the weſt, the breach was made by which
the Turks at length entered Conſtantinople ; for
the uſurpation of the cruſaders had weakened the
. T the ſame time that the cruſades diſpeopled
oriental empire to ſuch a degree, that the Greeks,
upon recovering it out of their hands, found it
diſmembered and impoveriſhed,
We ſhould recolle that this empire returned
to the Greeks in 1261; that Michael Paleologus
reſcued it from the Latin uſurpers, and afterwards
dethroned his pupil John Laſcaris. We muth
alſo recal to mind, that at this very time Charles
of Anjou, brother of St. Lewis, invaded Naples
and Sicily, and that had it not been for the Sici-
lian veſpers, he would have conteſted with the
tyrant Paleologus, the ſovereignty of Conſtanti-
nople, a City fated to be a prey to uſurpers.
This Michael Paleologus acted his part very
artfully with the popes, in order to divert the
ſtorm : he flattered them with the ſubmiſſion of
the Greek church; but his mean politics could
not prevail over the ſpirit of party, nor over the
ſuperſtition by which his country was governed.
By this kind of temporizing, he rendered himſelf
ſo odious, that his own fon Andronicus, unhap-
pily a zealous ſchiſmatic, either durſt not, or
would not grant him the honours of a Chriſtian
burial.
And yet thoſe unhappy Greeks, thus preſſed on
every ſide, both by the Turks and by the Latins,
were diſputing all this time about the transfigura-
| tion
Greek Empire,
tion of Jeſus: Chriſt. One half of the empire
pretended that the light of "Tabor * was eternal,
and the other that God had produced it merely
on account of the transfiguration. In the mean
time the Turks were acquiring ſtrength in Aſia
Minor, and Thrace was ſoon over-run by their
arms.
Ottoman, from whom all the emperors of that
name are deſcended, had fixed the ſeat of his
empire at Byrſa in Bithynia. His ſon Orcan ad-
vanced to the borders of the Propontis. The
emperor John Cantacuzenus was glad to give this
prince his daughter in marriage: and the nuptials
were celebrated at Scutari, oppoſite to Conſtanti-
nople. Soon after, another competitor ſet up for
the imperial diadem; when the emperor finding
himſelf unable to maintain his authority, retired to
a monaſtery, Such a circumſtance as an emperor's
being father-in-law to the Turkiſh ſultan, and
afterwards turning a monk, ſeemed to forebode
the downfall of the empire. The Turks, who
at this time had no ſhipping, wanted to croſs
over into Europe, To ſo low an ebb was the
empire reduced, that the Genoeſe by paying a
ſmall acknowledgment, were in poſſeſſion of Ga-
lata; this place is looked upon as the ſuburb of
Conſtantinople, from whence it is parted by 2
canal which forms the port. It is ſaid that ſultan
* Tabor, a famous mountain of Galilee, in Paleſtine, near
the great plain of Eſdalon, and the torrent of Ciſon, within fix
miles of Nazareth, towards the eaſt. On this mountain Chriſt
was long ſuppoſed to have transfigured himſelf in the reſence
of his diſciples ; yet ſeveral moderns are of opinion that this,
was not the place. None of the ancient fathers, in treating of
transfigyration, mention mount Tabor: nor is it mentioned
dy the Evangeliſts, See Calmet, Dict. Bibl.
2 Amurath,
21 5
1357 ·
Decline of the Ch. Ixxiv.
Amurath, fon of Orcan, engaged the Genoeſe to
tranſport his troops to the other ſide of the ſtrait;
the contract was ſigned; and the Genoeſe are
ſuppoſed for ſome thouſand beſants of gold to
have betrayed Europe. Others pretend that the
Turks made uſe of Greek veſſels. Be that as it
may, Amurath paſſed the ſtrait, and advanced as
far as Adrianople, where the Furks made a ſet-
tlement, and from thenee threatened all Chriſten-
dom. The emperor John Paleologus repairs in
all haſte to Rome to kiſs the feet of pope Urban
V ; he acknowledges his ſupremacy, and humbles
himlelf in order to obtain ſome aſſiſtance, by the
pope's mediation : but the fituation of their own
affairs, ' and the unhappy example of the paſt
cruſades, hindered the European princes from
thinking of any ſuch expedition, In fine, after
having in vain endeavoured to move the pope,
he went back and cringed' to Amurath, with whom
he concluded a treaty, not as one crowned head
1374
with another, but as a ſlave with his maſter. He
ſerved at the ſame time as a lieutenant and as an
hoſtage to the Turkiſh conqueror; and after Amu-
rath and Paleologus had each putt out the eyes of
their eldeſt ſons, of whom they were equally jea-
lous, Paleologus gave his ſecond ſon to the ſultan.
This ſon, whoſe name was Manuel, ſerved under
Amurath againſt the Chriſtians, The Janizaries
had been already inſtituted ; but from Amurath
they received that diſcipline which ſubſiſts to this
This prince was aſſaſſinated in the midſt of his
victorſes, and his ſon Bajazet Ilderim, or Bajazet
the thunderbolt, ſucceeded him. The Greek
emperors were then at the very loweſt ebb of
* igno-
Greek Empire.
ienominy and debaſement. Andronicus, the un-
fortunate ſon of John Paleologus, who had his
eyes plucked out by his own father, fled to Bajazet,
and implored his protection againſt his father and
his brother Manuel, Bajazet gave him four
thouſand horſe; and the Genoeſe, who were ſtill
maſters of Galata, aſſiſted him with men and
money. With theſe ſuccours Andronicus made
himſelf maſter of Conſtantinople, where he put
his father under cloſe confinement.
At the end of two years the father reſumed the
purple, and cauſed a citadel to be built near
Galata, in order to ſtop the progreſs of Bajazet,
who already had projected the ſiege of the Impe-
rial city. Bajazet ordered him to demoliſh the
Citadel, and to admit a Turkiſh cadi into the
town, to decide the cauſes of the Turkiſh mer-
chants ſettled in that capital. The emperor
obeyed ; and Bajazet leaving Conſtantinople be-
hind him, as a prey which he might at any time
ſeize, advances towards the heart of Hungary,
'There he defeats, as I have already mentioned,
the Chriſtian army, . and among the reſt thoſe
brave Frenchmen who were under the command
of Sigiſmond emperor of the Weſt. Before the
battle the French ſlew their Turkiſh priſoners;
ſo that it is not to be wondered that Bajazet after
his victory maſſacred the French in his turn,
who had ſet him this cruel example. He ordered
only five and twenty knights to be ſaved, amon
whom was the brother of Philip the Good, duke
of Burgundy, to whom he ſaid upon receiving
his ranſom; I might oblige thee to fwear never to
take up arms any more againſt me, but 1 deſpiſe thy
oaths and thy arms, |
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FEET IMB I IEEE. Nc TE TIED Oye Torn ogy,
:
Of Tamerlane. Ch. Ixxv.
After this defeat, Manuel, who was now
emperor of the city of Conſtantinople, had re-
courſe to the European princes like his father,
He came to France to ſue for ſuccour; but he
never could have choſen a leſs favourable time,
Charles VI. being ſeized with a frenzy, and his
country a ſcene of deſolation. This Greek em-
peror ſtaid two years in France, while the capi-
tal of the Chriſtians was blocked up by the
Turks. At length they laid ſiege to it in form,
and the loſs of this celebrated metropolis ſeemed
Inevitable, when it was preſerved for a while by
one of thoſe great revolutions which change the
f.ce of the earth.
The dominion of the Mogul Tartars, whoſe
origin we have already ſeen, extended from the
Volga to the frontiers of China and to the Ganges.
Tamerlane one of thoſe Tartar princes ſaved
Conſtantinople by attacking Bajazet.
HONOR
HAP. IAA.
Of Tamerlane.
IMOUR, whom I ſhall call Tamerlane
to comply with the general cuſtom, was
deſcended from Jenghiz-chan by the female ide,
according to the teſtimony of the beſt hiſtorians.
He was born the year 1357 in the town of
Caſh, ſituate in the ancient Sogdiana, where tne
Greeks formerly extended their arms under A-
lexander, and eſtabliſhed ſome colonies. This
is now the country of the Uſbecks : it begins at
the river Gi1on or Oxus, which riſes 1 ey
I ittle
Of Tamerlane.
little Thibet, about ſeven hundred leagues from
the ſource of the Tigris and the Euphrates. It
is the ſame Gihon as that mentioned in ſcrip-
ture.
Upon hearing the name of the town of Caſh,
ſome would imagine it to be a frightful country :
and yet it is a delightful ſpot, in the ſame climate
as Naples and Provence. :
People are apt to conſider Tamerlane as a bru-
tiſh barbarian : but it has been obſerved that there
never was any great conqueror among princes,
nor great fortunes among private people, without
that kind of merit which is rewarded with ſuc-
ceſs. That Tamerlane was in a very high de-
gree poſſeſſed of the merit which *accompanies
ambition, appears from this, that though he was
born to no title nor poſſeſſions, yet he ſubdued
as large an extent of country as Alexander, and al-
moſt as much as Jenghiz-chan. His firſt conqueſt
was that of Balch, the capital of Khoraſſan, on
the frontiers of Perſia, Then he made himſelf
maſter of the province of Kandahor, and after
reducing alt the ancient Perſia under his domi-
nion, he turned back in order to conquer the
people of Tranſoxana, Thence he marched to
lay fiege to Bagdad, which he took ; and pro-
ceeding with his army into India, he ſubdued
that nation, and entered Deli, the capital of the
empire. We find that 'in all times whoever be-
came maſters of Perſia, have alſo conquered or
ravaged India, "Thus Darius Ochus, after ſeveral
others, made a conqueſt of it: Alexander, Jeng-
hiz-chan, and Tamerlane, ſoon brought it under
ſubjection : and in our days Shah Nadir only
ſhewing himſelf in that country, immediately
2 gave
| 220
Of Tamerlane. Ch. Ixxv.
gave law to the inhabitants, and returned loaded
with immenſe treaſures,
After Tamerlane had made the conqueſt of In-
dia, he marched his army back, and falling upon
Syria, he took Damaſcus. From thence he ſud-
denly returned to Bagdad, which had been already
ſubdued, but wanted now to ſhake off the yoke.
He ſoon became maſter of it again, and de-
livered it up to the fury of the ſoldiers, On this
occaſion it is ſaid that there periſhed near eight
hundred thouſand inhabitants ; in ſhort, the city
was intirely deſtroyed. In thoſe countries the
towns were eaſily razed to the ground, and eaſily
rebuilt; the houſes, as we have already obſerved,
being made only of brick dried in the ſun. It
was in the midſt of theſe victories, that the Greek
emperor, finding no relief from Chriſtians, ad-
dreſſed himſelf to the "Tartar conqueror. At
the ſame time five Mahometan princes, who
had been diſpoſſeſſed by Bajazet of their domi-
nions ſituated on the borders of the Euxine ſea,
implored Tamerlane's aſſiſtance. He was pre-
vailed upon at length. by Muſſulmen and Chriſti-
ans to march his army into Aſia Minor,
We may form a favourable idea of his charac-
ter from this, that in the courſe of this war he
obſerved at leaſt the law of nations. He began
with ſending ambaſladors to Bajazet, who were
ordered to inſiſt upon his raiſing the ſiege of Con-
ſtantinople, and doing juſtice to the Mahometan
princes whom he had ſtripped of their domini-
ons. Bajazet received theſe propoſals with anger
and diſdain, Tamerlane declared war againſt
him, and immediately put his troops in motion.
Bajazet raiſed the ſiege of Conſtantinople, and
TN between
Of Tamerlane.
between Cæſarea and Ancyra: was fought that
famous battle where the forces of the whole 1491.
world ſeemed to have been aſſembled. Doubtleſs
Tamerlane's troops were excellent, ſince after
the moſt obſtinate ſtruggle, they defeated thoſe
who had overthrown the Greeks, the Hungari-
ans, the Germans, the French, and ſo many war-
like nations, It is certain that 'Tamerlane, who
had hitherto fought with the ſcimitar and with
arrows, made uſe of artillery againſt the Turks;
and that it is he who ſent ſome field pieces into
the Mogul's country, where they are ſtil] to be
ſeen with unknown characters engraved upon
them. The Turks in this very engagement made
uſe not only of cannon but of the ancient wild-
fire: by this double advantage they would have
infallibly been maſters of the field, if Tamerlane
had had no artillery.
Bajazet ſaw his eldeſt ſon Muſtapha ſlain by his
fide in the engagement, and he himſelf fell into-
the hands of the enemy together with another
fon of his, whoſe name was Muſa or Moyſes.
It is natural to inquire into the conſequences of
this battle betwixt two nations who ſeemed to
diſpute the empire of Europe and Afia, two
conquerors whoſe names are ſtill ſo famous in
ſtory; a battle moreover which ſaved the Greeks
jor a while, and might have helped to deſtroy the
Turkiſh empire.
Of the Perſian and Arabian authors who wrote
the life of Tamerlane, not one takes notice of
his ſhutting up Bajazet in an-iron cage. But it
is mentioned in the Turkiſh annals ; perhaps in
order to render 'Tamerlane odious; or rather
becauſe they copied it from Greek hiſtorians.
L. 3. The
Of Tamerlane. Ch. Ixxv.
The Arabian authors pretend that Tamerlane
obliged Bajazet's wife, half naked, to wait upon
him at table ; and this is what gave birth to the
vulgar error, that the Turkiſh ſultans never would
marry after ſuch an affront done to one of their
wives, This fable is refuted by the marriage of
Amurath II to the daughter of a deſpot of Servia,
as we ſhall ſhew hereafter ; and by that of Ma-
homet II to the daughter of a prince of Turco-
mania.
It is difficult to reconcile the iron cage, and
the baſe affront done to Bajazet's wife, with the
generoſity which the Turks attribute to Tamer-
line. They take notice that this conqueror
upon entering Burſa, or Pruſa, the capital of
the Purkiſh dominions in Aſia, wrote a letter to
Solyman, fon of Bajazet, which would have
Gore honour to Alexander. I am willing to for-
get, ſays Tamerlane, that ever I was the enemy of
Bajazet. T ſhall act as a father towards his children,
provided they wait for the effects of my clemency.
J am content with my conqueſts, and no favours of
fickle fogtune ſhall tempt me.
Suppoling that ſuch a letter was ever written,
it could be nothing but an artifice. The Turks
likewiſe mention, that upon Solyman's taking no
notice of the letter, that ſame Muſa, ſon of Ba-
jazet, was declared ſultan in Burſa by Tamer-
lane, who ſaid to him upon the occaſion ; receive
the inheritance of thy father; a generous ſoul knows
haw ta conquer kingdoms, and to reſtore them.
Oriental hiſtorians, as well as ours, are apt to
put words into the mouths of celebrated men,
which they never ſaid. Such magnanimous be-
haviour towards the ſon does but ill agree *
| | is
Of 7. amerlane.
his barbarous treatment of the father. But what
we may infer for certain, and indeed molt de-
ſerves our attention, is, that Tamerlane's great
victory did not deprive the Turkiſh empire of a
ſingle city. This Muſa, whom he made ſultan,
and whom he protected againſt his brothers Soly-
man and Mahomet I, was unable to oppole them,
notwithſtanding the protection of the conqueror.
'There was a civil war for thirteen years between
the ſons of Bajazet; and we do not find that
Tamerlane made any advantage of it, Even the
misfortune of this ſultan ſhews, that the Turks
were altogether a warlike nation, who might loſe
battles without being conquered and that the Tar-
tar finding it not ſo caſy to extend his conqueſts,
or to make any ſettlements towards Aſia Minor,
turned his arms ſomewhere elſe. |
His pretendcd generoſity to the ſons of Bajazet
was not ſurely the effect of moderation. For
ſoon after this he ravaged Syria, which was {till
fubject to the Mamalukes of Egypt. From
thence he repaſſed the Euphrates, and returned
to Samarcand, which he looked upon as the ca-
pital of his vaſt dominions. He had conquered
almoſt as great an extent of territory as Jeng-
hiz-chan; for if the latter had part of China
and Corea, the formet was poſſeſſed of Syria,
and the half of Aſia Minor, which Jenghiz-chan
was never able to ſubdue: he was likewiſe
maſter of almoſt all Indoſtan, whereas Jenghiz-
chan had only the northern provinces. Scarce
was he ſettled in the poſſeſſion of this immenſe
empire, when he began to meditate the conqueſt
of China, at too advanced a period of life.
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224
1406.
Of Tamerlane. Ch. Ixxv.
It was at Samarcand, that in imitation of Jeng-
hiz- chan, he received the homage of ſeveral
princes of Aſia, and the embaſſies of many fove-
reigns, Not only the Greek emperor Manuel
ſent ambaſſadors to him, but likewiſe Henry III,
king of Caſtile. Here he gave one of thoſe feaſts
which reſemble thoſe of the firſt kings of Perſia.
All the orders of the ſtate, and the ſeveral arti-
ficers paſſed in review, each with the enſigns of
his profeſſion. He married all his grandſons and
grand-daughters the ſame day : at length he died
at a very advanced age, after having reigned thirty
ſix years, more fortunate by the length of his
days and the ſucceſs of his grand-children, than
Alexander, to whom the eaſtern nations com-
pare him ; but far inferior to the Macedonian
herce, inaſmuch as he was born among a barba-
rous people, and like Jenghiz-chan, had deſtroyed
a great many cities without building one: where-
as Alexander during a very ſhort reign, and in the
midſt of his rapid conqueſts, built Alexandria and
Scanderoon ; re-eſtabyſhed this very Samarcand,
which was afterwards Tamerlane's imperial reſi-
dence; built cities as far as the Indies ; ſettled
Greek colonies beyond the Oxus ; ſent the Ba-
bylonian obſervations into Greece; and changed
the commerce of Aſia, Europe, and Africa, by
making Alexandria the general magazine. Here,
J think, the character of Alexander is preferable
to that of Tamerlane, Jenghiz-chan, and to all
the conquerors ever compared to him.
In other reſpects Tamerlane does not appear
to me to have been of a more violent temper
than Alexander. If I may be permitted a little
to enliven ſo diſmal a ſubject, and to _ _
ma
|
K rn It W · * ;*
|
Of Tamerlane.
ſmall with the great, I will mention what has
been related by a cotemporary Perſian of this
prince. He ſays, that as a famous Perſian poet;
named Hamedi Kermani, was bathing one day in
the ſame bath with Tamerlane and ſeveral other
courtiers, they happened to fall upon a- humour-
ous kind of diverſion, which confiſted in ſettling
the value of each of the company in money. 1
rate you, ſays the poet to the great chan, at thirty
aſpers. The napkin I wipe myſelf with, is worth
that, anſwers the monarch. Ay, but replies
Hamedi, I reckoned the napkin too, Very Jikely
a . prince who permitted thoſe innocent liberties,
was not of a ferocious diſpoſition ;- but it is poſ-
{ible alſo, that he might grow familiar with the
little people, while he cut the great ones throats.
He was neither a Muſſulman nor of the ſect:
of the great Lama, but like the Chineſe he ac-
knowledged one only God, and in this expreſſed:
a mark of great ſenſe, which even the moſt po-
lite nations ſecmed to have wanted. There was
no ſuperſtitious practices to be ſeen, neither at
his court, nor in his armies. He tolerated alike
the Muſſulmen and the Lamiſts, as well as the
idolaters who were ſpread over the Indies. He
even aſſiſted, as he was paſſing over mount
Libanus, at the religious ceremonies of the Ma-
ronite monks who live on that mountain, His
only weakneſs was that of giving credit to judi-
cial aſtrology, a very general error, from Which
we ourſelves are but Jately recovered. He had-
no learning, but he took care to have his grand-
children inſtructed in the. ſciènces. The famous
Olougbeg who ſucceeded him in the dominions
of. Tranſoxana, founded at Samarcand the firſt
5 academy
225
226 Of Tamerlane. Ch. Ixxvii.
academy of ſciences, made the meaſurement of
the earth, and had a ſhare in the compoſition of
the aſtronomical tables which go by his name,
reſembling in this reſpect Alfonſo king of Ca-
ſtile, who flouriſhed one hundred years before
him. The grandeur of Samarcand is at preſent
fallen, together with the ſciences; and the whole
country now poſſeſſed by the Uſbeck Tartars,
is relapſed into barbariſm: but another revolution
will perhaps one day raiſe its head again, and
reſtore it to its former glory.
His poſterity ſtill reigns in that part of India,
called Mogulſtan, a name derived from the Mo-
gul Tartars under Jenghiz-chan, who preſerved
this conqueſt to the time of Tamerlane. An-
other branch of his family reigned in Perſia, till
a ſucceeding dynaſty of Tartar princes of the
faction of the White Shep, took poſſeſſion of that
kingdom in 1468. When we reflect that the
Turks are alſo of a Tartar original, and that
Attila was deſcended from thels very people,
this will help to corroborate what has been al-
ready mentioned in the preſent work, that the
Tartars have conquered almoſt the whole world.
And we have ſeen the reaſon of this: they had
. nothing to loſe; they were more robuſt, and more
1 inured to hardſhip, than other nations. But ſince
the eaſtern Tartars, after making a ſecond con-
| queſt of China in the laſt century, have formed
1 both China and their own country into one go-
vernment; ſince the empire of Ruſſia has been
| likewiſe enlarged and civilized; and, in a word,
1 fince the whole earth has been thick ſet with ram -
| parts lined with artillery, theſe great migrations
Aare no longer to be dreaded, Polite nations are
[ as ſheltered
and preſerved their acquiſitions in Europe. At
Turks and Greeks.
ſheltered from the irruptions of thoſe ſavages. All
Tartary, except that called Chineſe, contains no
more than wretched hordes or clans, who would
be extremely fortunate in being conquered in their
turn, were it not. far preferable to be free than
civilized.
WWU
, CHAP, LXXVI.
Continuation of the hiſtory of the Turks, and of the
Greeks till the taking of Conſtantinople.
Onſtantinople was for ſome time reprieved
by Tamerlane's victory, but the ſucceſſors
of Bajazet ſoon re-eſtabliſhed their empire. Ta-
merlane's conqueſts: were chiefly in Perſia, Sy-
ria, India, Armenia, and on the borders of
Ruſſia, The Turks recovered Aſia Minor,
that time there muſt have been a greater iater-
courle, and leſs averſion, than at preſent, between
Mahometans and Chriſtians. John Paleologus
made no difficulty to marry his daughter to Or-
can; and Amurath II; grandſon of Bajazet, and
ſon of Mahomet I, did not ſcruple to marry the
daughter of a deſpot of Servia named Irene,
Amurath II was one of thoſe Turkiſh princes
who contributed to the Ottoman grandeur :
but he was convinced of the vanity of that
very grandeur which he had increaſed by his
arms. His only aim was retirement, It muſt
have been a very extraordinary ſpectacle to ſee a
Turkiſh philoſopher abdicate the crown : this
prince reſigned it twice, and twice he was pre-
L 6 Vvoailed
228
1744.
Turks and Greeks, Ch. Ixxvii.
vailed upon by his baſhaws and janizaries to re-
ſume it. | |
John Paleologus went to Rome, and from
thence to the council, which we mentioned to
have been ſummoned by Eugene IV at Florence ;
there he diſputed about the proceſſion of the
Holy Ghoſt, while the Venetians, already maſters
of part of Greece, were purchaſing Theſſalonica,
and his dominions were almoſt intirely ſhared
between the Chriſtians and the Mahometans.
Amurath in the mean time took this ver
'Theflalonica juſt after it had been ſold, The
Venetians imagined: they could fecure this
territory, and defend Greece by a wall eight
thouſand paces in length, according to the anci-
ent practice which the Romans themſelves had
obferved in the north of England. This may
be ſome defence againſt the inroads of a ſavage
nation ; but was of no uſe againſt the diſciplined
army of the Turks. They demoliſhed the wall,
and puſhed their conqueſts on all fides into
Greece, Dalmatia, and Hungary,
The Hungarians had lately choſen Ladiſlaus
the young king of Poland for their ſovereign.
The ſultan having carried on the war for ſome
years in Hungary, Thrace, and all the neigh-
bouring countries, with various ſucceſs, con-
cluded the moſt ſolemn peace that had been ever
made between the Chriſtians and the Turks.
Amurath and Ladiſlaus both ſwore to it, one by
the Koran, and the other by the Goſpel.
The Turk promiſed to make no further con-
queſts ; and even ſurrendered ſome of thoſe he
had already made. At the ſame time the limits
of the Ottoman poſſeſſions, as well as of Hungary
and Venice, were ſettled, Car-
Turks and Greeks,
Cardinal Julian Ceſarini, the pope's legate in
Germany, a man famous for perſecuting the par-
ty of John Huſs, for preſiding at the firſt ſeſſions
of the council of Baſil, and for the cruſade which
he preached againſt the Turks, was the perſon
who, by too blind a zeal, involved the Chriſtians:
in ſhame and miſery.
Scarce was the peace concluded, when the
cardinal was for breaking it. He flattered him-
ſelf that he had engaged the Venetians and
the Genoeſe to fit out a formidable fleet, and that
the Greeks would awake from their lethargy, and
make one deſperate puſh, The occaſion likewiſe
was favourable, for it was juſt the very time when
Amurath II, on the faith of the abovementioned
treaty, had conſecrated his days to retirement, and
reſigned the empire to his ſon Mahomet, who
was young and unexperienced.
A pretext was wanting for the violation of this
oath : Amurath had obſerved all the conditions
with a ſcrupulous exactneſs, which left not the
leaſt room for the Chriſtians to complain. The
legate then had no other reſource than to per-
ſuade Ladiſlaus, as well as the Hungarian chiefs,
and the Poles, that their oath was not binding.
Both in ſpeeches and in writings he aſſured them,
that the peace ſworn upon the Goſpel was void,
becauſe it had been made contrary to the pope's
inclination. And indeed Eugene IV, then the
reigning pontif, had wrote to Ladiſlaus, ordering
him to break a peace which he had no authority to
make without the conſent of the holy ſee. We have
already ſeen that the maxim had been introduced,
of not keeping faith with heretics; from whence
they concluded, that they were not obliged to
keep it with Mahometans. Thus
230
Turks and Greeks. Ch. Ixxvi,
Thus it was that old Rome violated the truce
with Carthage in the laſt Punic war: but the event
proved very different. The ſenate wantonly broke
their engagements, from a deſire of cruſhing a con-
quered republic; whereas the Chriſtians were
perfidious from a deſire of repelling a nation of
uſurpers. At length Julian prevailed, the ſeveral
generals and chiefs were carried away by the tor-
rent, eſpecially John Corvin Hunniades, that
famous captain of the Hungarian armies, who
fought ſo many battles againſt Amurath and Ma-
homet II.
Ladiſlaus, ſeduced. by vain hopes, and by a
doctrine which ſucceſs alone could excuſe, in-
vaded the Turkiſh. territories, The janizaries
addreſſed themſelves to Amurath, entreating him
to quit his ſolitude, and to put himſelf at their
head. The ſultan having conſented, the two
armies met towards the Euxine Sea in that coun-
try, which now is called Bulgaria, formerly Mæ-
ſia. The battle was fought in the neighbour-
1444; hood of the town of Varna, Amurath carried
about him. the treaty of peace, which had been
but juſt concluded: in the midſt of the engage-
ment, at the very time when. his troops were
giving way, he pulled it out of his boſom, and
begged of God, the puniſher of perjurers, to a-
venge this outragious violation of the law of na-
tions. This is what gave occaſion to the fable,
that the peace had been ſworn to upon the eu-
chariſt, that the hoſt had been delivered into the
hands of Amurath, and that it was to this hoſt
he directed his ſpeech. in the heat of the battle.
Perjury for this once received the puniſhment it
deſerved ; the Chriſtians, after an obſtinate re-
ſiſtance,
Turks and Greeks.
ſiſtance, were intirely defeated. Ladiſlaus hav-
ing been ſlain in the engagement, a janizary
cut off his head, and carried it in triumph, from
rank to rank, through the Turkiſh army ; a
ſpectacle which completed the victory.
237
After the purſuit was over, Amurath ordered
the body of this prince to be interred on the
field of battle, with all military ſolemnity. It is
ſaid alſo that he erected a monument upon his
grave, and that the inſcription, far from inſulting
the memory of the vanquiſhed prince, extolled
his courage, and lamented his misfortune.
Some ſay that cardinal Julian, who had been
preſent at this engagement, was drowned by the
weight-of the gold he had about him, in at-
Others
affirm, that he was killed by the Hungarians
tempting to croſs a river in his flight.
themſelves ; it is certain however, that. he periſh-
ed on this fatal day.
But what is moſt remarkable, Amurath after
this victory returned to his ſolitude, abdicating
the crown a ſecond time, which a ſecond time
fr and
conquer. At length he died at Adrianople, and 1452
he was obliged to reſume, in order to fi
left the empire to his ſon Mahomet II, who
thought more of imitating the valour than the
philoſophy of his father.
W e e e e t eee
CHAP. LXXVII.
Of Scanderbeg, ©
NOTHER no leſs celebrated warrior,
whom I know not whether to call a Turk
or Chriſtian, ſtopped the progreſs of Amurath ;
and
Of Scanderbeg. Ch. Ixxvii.
and for a long time defended Chriſtendom againſt
the victorious arms of Mahomet II. I mean to
ſpeak of Scanderbeg, who was born in Albania,
a part of Epirus, a country famous in thoſe old
times which are called heroic, and in the real he-
roic times of the Romans. His name was John
Caſtriot; and he was ſon of a deſpot, or of a little
king of that country; that is, of a prince who
was a vaſllal at the ſame time: for this is implied
by the word Deſpot; ſo that it is very extraordina-
ry that the appellation of 4:/potic ſhould have been
given to potent ſovereigns, who have made them-
{elves abſolute in their dominions.
John Caſtriot was yet an infant many years
before the above-mentioned battle of Varna, when
Amurath ſeized on Albania, after the deceaſe of
Caſtriot's father ; and brought up this infant, the
only one left of four brothers. The Turkiſh an-
nals make no mention. of theſe four princes having
been ſacrificed to the vindictive ſpirit of Amu-
rath. And indeed it does not appear that theſe
barbarities were conſiſtent with the character of
a ſultan who twice had abdicated the crown ;
nor is it probable that he could have ſo tenderly
loved and confided in a perſon, from whom he
ought to have expected the moſt implacable aver-
ſion. He conſtantly careſſed young Caſtriot, and
kept him near his own perſon. On the other
hand, Caſtriot ſhewed ſuch ſignal marks of
proweſs, that the ſultan and the janizaries gave
him the name of Scanderbeg, which ſignifies Lord
Alexander.
In ſhort, friendſhip prevailed over good policy.
Amurath entruſted him with the command of a
ſmall army againſt the deſpot of Servia, who had
| declared
garriſon,
bania is, by the means of his adherents, ſoon
Of Scanderbeg.
declared in favour of the Chriſtian cauſe, and was
waging war againſt his ſon-in-Jaw the ſultan.
This happened before his abdication. Scander-
beg, who was not then twenty years old, formed
the deſign of throwing off his dependency, and of
attaining the ſovereign power.
Having had intelligence that a ſecretary, who
carried the ſultan's ſeals, was paſſing near his
camp, he orders him to be arreſted, and impri-
ſoned : after which he forces him to ſign an order
to the governor of Croia, the capital of Epirus, to
deliver up the town and citade] to Scanderbeg.
When he had diſpatched this order, he kills the
Then he marches 1443.
ſecretary and his attendants.
to Croia, and the governor reſigns the command
to him without any difficulty, That very night
the Albanians, with whom he kept a correſ-
pondence, advance to the city walls; and he
maſſacres the governor, together with the whole
After this exploit the province of Al-
brought over to his intereſt, The Albanians are
reckoned the beſt ſoldiers in that part of the
world : Scanderbeg diſciplined them ſo well,
and poſted himſelf ſo advantageouſly in that
rough and mountainous country, that with a few
troops he ſtopped the progreſs of large armies of
the Turks. The Mahometans looked upon him
as a . 1 but he had deceived only his ene-
mies. e recovered his father's crown, which he
deſerved for his bravery.
233
234
The taking Ch. Ixxviit.
CHAP. LXXVIIL
Of the taking of «Conſtantinople by the Turks,
F the Greek emperors had ſhewn the ſame
conduct and valour as Scanderbeg, the eaſtern
empire would have been preſerved. But that very
ſpirit of cruelty, weakneſs, diviſion, and ſuperſti-
tion, which had brought it to ſo low an ebb,
haſtened now the moment of its deſtruction.
At that time they reckoned three empires of the
eaſt, when there was really never a one. The
firſt empire was the city of Conſtantinople, then
in the hands of the Greeks. Adrianople, the
aſylum of the family of the Laſcaris, which had
been taken by Amurath I, in 1362, and ever
ſince continued in the poſſeſſion of the ſultans,
was looked upon as the ſecond : and a barbarous
province of the ancient Colchis, named Trebi-
zond, which had been the retreat of the Comneni,
was reputed the third.
This diſmembering of the empire was the only
conſiderable effect of the cruſades. After it had
been ravaged by the Franks, it was recovered
again by its ancient maſters, but recovered to be
once more expoſed to depredations; ſo that it was
amazing it ſubſiſted ſo long, There were two
parties in Conſtantinople, both moſt virulently
inflamed againſt each other, by the diſputes about
religion ; in the ſame manner almoſt as had been
the caſe at Jeruſalem, when beſieged by Veſpa-
ſian and Titus. The one was that of the emper-
ors, who, from the vain hopes of receiving ſuc-
cours, conſented to ſubject the Greek to the Latin
church;
of Conſtantinople,
church ; the other that of the prieſts and of the
people, who having the invaſion of the cruſaders
ſtill freſh in their memories, deteſted the re- union
of the two churches. Thus they waſted their time
in religious controverſies, while the Turks were
at the city gates.
John VII Paleologus had reigned twenty- ſeven
years; and to ſuch a low ebb was the empire re-
duced after his death, which happened in 1449,
that one of his ſons, Conſtantine by name, was
obliged to receive the confirmation of the Impe-
rial dignity from the Turkiſh ſultan Amurath II,
as from his ſovereign. A brother of this Con-
ſtantine had Lacedæmon, another was poſſeſſed of
Corinth, and a third had that part of the Pelo-
ponneſus which was not ſubject to the Venetians.
235
Such was the ſituation of the Greeks, when 1451.
Mahomet Bouyouk, or Mahomet the Great, ſuc-
ceeded the ſecond time to his father ſultan Amu-
rath. The monkiſh writers have painted this
prince as a brutiſh barbarian, who at one time
cut off the head of his pretended miſtreſs Irene to
pacify the murmuring of the janizaries ; and an-
other time ripped open the bellies of fourteen of
his pages, to ſee which of them had eaten a me-
Jon, We likewiſe find theſe abſurd ſtories in our
dictionaries, which for this long time have been
_ _ than the alphabetical repoſitories of falſ-
00d,
The Turkiſh annals unanimouſly inform us,
that Mahomet had the beſt education of any prince
in his time. What we have mentioned concern-
ing his father Amurath, ſufficiently proves that
the latter had not neglected the inſtruction of his
ſon and heir, Nor can it be denied, that Ma-
homet
rat
Ws
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1 ; N
4
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[1
$
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j F
1
9
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*
-. 47
a
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;
K. —
.
7
The taking Ch. Ixxviii,
homet had a high ſenſe of filial duty, and ſtifled
all ſentiments of ambition, when he gave back
the crown which Amurath had reſigned to him.
Twice he returned to the condition of a private
ſubject, without exciting the leaſt diſturbance,
This is the only example of the kind recorded
in hiſtory ; and it is ſo much the more extraor-
dinary, as the violence of Mahomet's temper was
in every reſpect equal to his ambition,
This celebrated prince ſpoke Greek, Arabic,
and Perſian; he likewiſe underſtood Latin, and
drawing, and knew all that could be then known
of geography and the mathematics. He was
particularly fond of painting, inſomuch that he
fent to Venice, as every lover of the arts mult
have heard, for the famous Gentili Bellino, and
rewarded him, as Alexander rewarded Apelles,
with preſents, and with his friendſhip. He gave
him a crown of gold, and a. gold collar, beſides
three thouſand ducats, and ſent him back with
honour. I cannot help reckoning among im-
probable ftories, that of the flave, whom Ma-
homet is pretended to have beheaded, in order to
ſhew Bellino the effect of the muſcles, and of
the ſkin, on a neck ſevered. from the body. Theſe
barbarities which we exerciſe on animals, are ne-
ver practiſed by men upon their own ſpecies, ex-
cept in the fury of their vengeance, and in what
is commonly called the right of war. Maho-
met II was oftentimes bloody and ferocious, as al!
conquerors are that have ravaged the world. But
why ſhould we charge him with ſuch improbable
cruelties ? And to what purpoſe ſhould we mul-
tiply theſe ſcenes of horror?
This
T. . OT on © aa Ka > as A © ods
1 IT REF — n
4 1 1 ——y a— „ enn
of Conſtantinople.
'This prince was twenty-two years of age, when
he aſcended the throne of the ſultans ; from that
time he bent his mind on the conqueſt of Con-
4 ſtantinople, while this unhappy city was rent in-
to factions, diſputing whether they ſhould make
uſe of leavened or unleavened bread in the ſacra-
ment, and whether it was beſt to pray in Greek
or Latin.
He began tberefore with blockading this city
I on the fide of Europe, and towards Aſia. At
length, the beginning of April 1453, the adja-
cent country was covered with near three hun-
dred thouſand Turks, and the ſtrait of Propontis
with about three hundred galleys, and two hun-
g dred ſmaller veſſels.
One of the moſt extraordinary, and yet beſt
atteſted facts, is the uſe which Mahomet made
of thoſe ſhips. They could not get into the port,
the mouth being barricadoed with ſtrong chains
of iron, and beſides, in all probability advantage-
& ouſly defended. One night therefore he orders
the ground to be covered the length of two leagues
with planks, which were greaſed with tallow,
and laid like the manger of a ſhip ; then by means
of certain engines, fourſcore galleys, and ſeventy
# tenders, or ſmaller veſſels, were drawn from the
ſtrait, and conveyed over land. All this was per-
formed in one night, and the beſieged were afto-
| niſhed early the next morning, to ſee an entire
| fleet deſcend from the land into their harbour.
The ſame day a bridge of boats was built within
light of them, and ſerved for erecting a battery of
cannon.
The city of Conſtantinople muſt either have
had very little artillery, or this artillery muſt have
been
237
238
The taking Ch. lxxviii,
been ill ſerved, For how comes it that the can-
non did not demoliſh this bridge of boats? But
I queſtion much, whether Mahomet, as they pre-
tend, made uſe of two hundred pounders, It is
common for the conquered to exaggerate every
thing, There muſt have been near one hundred
pounds of powder for the exploſion of balls of
that magnitude. This quantity of powder can-
not take fire at once; the ſhot would go off be-
fore the fifteenth part had taken fire ; and the
ball would have but very little effect. Perhaps
the Turks made uſe of ſuch cannon through ig-
norance; and the Greeks might have been fright-
ened alſo from the ſame cauſe.
In the month of May the Turks made a ge-
neral aſſault upon this city, then conſidered
as the capital of the world. It was but indif-
ferently fortified, and not much better defended.
The emperor, attended by a Roman cardinal,
named Iſidore, conformed to the Roman ritual,
and thereby incenſed and diſheartened his Greek
ſubjects, who would not ſo much as enter the
churches which he frequented ; Ve had rather,
ſaid they, ſee a turbant here than a cardinal's hat.
At other times, almoſt all the Chriſtian princes,
under the pretence of a holy war, entered into a
league to invade this metropolis and bulwark. of
Chriſtendom ; and now when it was attacked
by the Turks, not one of them appeared to de-
fend it. |
The emperor Frederick III had neither power
nor courage ſufficient for ſuch an enterprize.
Poland was under a very bad government :
France was ſcarcely reſcued from that abyſs of
milery, into which its civil diſſenſions, and the
| war
of Conftantineple.
war with the Engliſh had plunged it. England
began to feel the weakneſs ariſing from domeſtic
diviſions. The duke of Burgundy, Philip the
Good, was indeed a potent prince, but had too
much ſagacity to renew the cruſades by himſelf,
and beſides was too far advanced in years to en-
ter upon ſuch an expedition. The Italian princes
were at war with one another. Arragon and
Caſtile were not yet united ; and the Mahome-
tans ſtill poſſeſſed a part of Spain.
There were only two princes in Europe, qua-
liked for entering the lifts with Mahomet II.
One was Hunniades, prince of Tranſylvania ; but
he happened at that time to be hardly able to
defend his own country. The other was the fa-
mous Scanderberg, who could only maintain his
ground in the mountains of Epirus, in the ſame
manner very near as Pelagius defended himſelf
formerly in the mountains of Aſturia, when the
Mahometans ſubdued Spain. Four Genoeſe ſhips,
one of which belonged to the emperor Frederick
III, were the only ſuccour almoſt which the
Chriſtian world lent to Conſtantinople. A fo-
reigner commanded in the town, whoſe name was
Juſtinian, a native of Genoa. Every building
reduced to external ſupport, threatens ruin. The
old Greeks never had a Perſian at their head;
nor were the troops of the republic of Rome ever
commanded by a Gaul. In this ſituation of af-
fairs Conſtantinople could not avoid being taken
and accordingly it was taken, but in quite a
different manner from that related by all our au-
thors, who have only copied Ducas and Chal-
condylas, |
In
239
240
The taking Ch. lxxviii,
In the Turkiſh annals digeſted at Conſtantino-
ple, by the late prince Demetrius Cantemir, it is
related, that af er a forty-nine days ſiege, the em-
peror Conſtantine was obliged to capitulate. He
ſent ſeveral Greeks to receive the. law of the
conqueror, and they agreed upon many arti-
cles, But juſt as the deputies were returning
back to the city, Mahomet recollecting ſome-
thing which he had till further to ſay, orders his
people to ride after them. The beſieged behold-
ing, from the top of the ramparts, a body of
Turks gy N the deputies, imprudently
fire at them. The Turks are ſoon joined by a
greater number. The Greek envoys are already
entering by a poſtern, when the enemy enter
pell-mell along with them, and make themſelves
maſters of the upper town, which is ſeparated
from the lower. The emperor is killed in the
crowd, and Mahomet immediately converts the
palace of Conſtantine the Great into a ſeraglio,
and St. Sophia into his principal moſque.
The ſultan having thus made himſelf maſter
of one half of Conſtantinople, had the humanity,
or the good policy, to grant the ſame capitulation
to the other half, as he had offered to the whole
city; and he religiouſly obſerved it. This is fo
far true, that all the Chriſtian churches of the
lower town were preſerved till the reign of his
grandſon Selim, who ordered many of them to
be demoliſhed. They were called the moſques of
evi, which is the Turkiſh name for eſs.
That of the Greek patriarch ſtil! ſubſiſts at Con-
ſtantinople on the canal of the Black ſea. The
Turks have permitted an academy to be founded
in this quarter, where there are profeſſors 5
teac
of Conſtantinople. 241
teach the ancient Greek, which is no longer the
living language, as alſo Ariſtotle's philoſophy,
theology, and phyſic ; this is the ſchool that
formed Conſtantine Ducas, Mauro Cordato, . and
Cantemir, whom the Turks made princes of
Moldavia. I own that Demetrius Cantemir has
related a great many idle fables, but he could
not be miſtaken in regard to the modern inſti-
tutions which he ſaw himſelf, nor to the academy
where he was educated. .
In conſequence of a grant made to a Greek
architect, named Chriſtobulus, the Chriſtians ſtill
preſerve a church, and an intire ſtreet in Conſtan-
tinople. This architect had been employed by
Mahomet II to build a moſque on the ruins of
the church of the holy Apeſiles, an ancient work
of Theodora, wife of the emperor Juſtinian
and he ſucceeded in erecting an edifice not
much inferior to St. Sophia in beauty. He built
likewiſe, by Mahomet's orders, eight ſchools,
and eight hoſpitals, dependent on this moſque
and it was to reward this ſervice that the ſultan
granted him the ſtreet I mentioned, which ſtill
remains in his family. It is not a fact worth
of hiſtory, that a maſter-builder ſhould have an
eſtate in houſes; but it is important to know
that the Turks do not always treat the Chriſtians
as barbarouſly as we imagine. Whole nations
are deceived by hiſtorical errors. A number of
weſtern writers pretend, that the Mahometans
worſhipped Venus, and denied providence. Even
Grotius himſelf tells us more than once, that
Mahomet, that great but falſe prophet, had
taught a pigeon to fly towards his ear, and made
people believe that the Divine Spirit inſtructed
; Vor, IL M him
242
The takin Ch. Ixxviii.
him under that form, A multitude. of ſtories,
all equally ridiculous, have beeu invented, to
blacken the memory of Mahomet II.
But notwithitanding the declamations of car-
dinal Iſidore, and of ſo many others, it evidently
appears, that Mahomet was a prince of greater
moderation, and politer accompliſhments, than
we are willing to believe, by his permitting the
conquered Chriſtians to chuſe their patriarch. He
inſtailed him himſelf with the uſual ſolemnity;
and gave him the croſier and ring which the
weſtern emperors had long ſince been afraid to
give. If in any thing he deviated from the uſual
ceremony, it was to reconduct the eleCted patri-
arch Gennadius to the gates of his palace; when
the patriarch told him, that he was quite aſhamed
of an hanour which the Chriſtian emperors had never
done to his predeceſſors. Since that time the Tur-
kiſh ſultans have conſtantly appointed a patriarch,
who is called Oecumenical. The pope nomi-
nates another, who is ſtiled the Latin patriarch;
each of them is taxed by the divan, and the
tax is paid by their miſerable flock. Theſe
two churches equally groaning under oppreſ-
fion, are nevertheleſs irreconcilable; and to pa-
cify their quarrels is, at preſent, a conſiderable
taſk of the ſultans, who are become moderators,
as well as conquerors of the Chriſtians. |
Theſe conquerors did not behave. in the ſame
manner towards the Greeks, as they behaved
' heretofore, that is, in the tenth and eleventh
centuries, towards the Arabs, whoſe language,
manners, and religion, they adopted. At the
time the Turks ſubdued the Arabs, they were
mere barbarians ; but when they, conquered the
| | . Greek
of Conſtantinople.
Greek empire, the conſtitution of their govern-
ment had been long ſettled. They had a reſpect
for the Arabs, and a contempt” for the Greeks :
hence they have had no other intercourfe with
the latter, than that which is betwixt maſters
and ſlaves,
They have retained all the ſame cuſtoms and
Jaws as they had at the time of making their con-
queſts, The militia of Zengi-Cheris's, whom we
call Janizaries, ſubſiſted then in full vigour, and
the ſame number as at preſent ; that'is, about
forty thouſand. Of all the ſoldiers upon the face
of the earth, theſe are the beſt fed. Each oda * of
Janizaries has a purveyer, who ſupplies them with
mutton, rice, butter, pulſe, and bread in plenty.
The ſultans have preſerved the ancient cultom
which they followed before in Alia, of beftowing
fiefs for life, and ſome of them hereditary, upon
their troops. This cuſtom they did not borrow
of the caliphs, whom they dethroned. The A-
rabian government was founded on different prin-
ciples. The weſtern Tartars uſed always to di-
vide the conquered lands. So early as the fifth
century they had made this regulation in Europe;
a regulation that unites the victors to a govern-
ment: which 1s become their inheritance ; and the
nations that intermixed with them, as Lombards,
Franks, Normans, followed this plan. Tamer-
lane carried it to the Indies, where, to this very
day, are the greateſt lords of fiefs, under the dif-
ferent names of Omras, Rajas, and Nabobs. But
the Turks never gave large eftates, Their Zai-
mats, and their Timariots, are rather farms than
lordſhips. This inſtitution plainly ſhews the mi-
An odais a kind of caſern, where a certain number of jani-
raries lodge and meſs together,
M 2 litary
243
* — — —— — — —
5
The taking of Conſtantinople. Ch. Ixxvin.
litary ſpirit, If a Zaim * is lain in battle, his
children ſhare his fief; if he dies a natural death,
the Beglerbeg, that is, the general of the troops
of the province, may nominate to this military
benefice. Thoſe Zaims and Timars have no
right but that of leading ſoldiers to the field, as
was heretofore the cuſtom of the Franks ; they
have no titles, juriſdiction, or nobility.
From theſe. ſame ſchools they have always
drawn the Cadis 4, the Mollas, who are their
ordinary judges, and the two Cadi-Leſkers + of
Aſia and Europe, who are judges of the pro-
vinces, and of the armies; and who, under the
Muphti, have the direQion of religion and laws.
The Muphti and the Cadi-Leſkers have been
ever ſubject to the divan. The Dervis &, who
are the ſame as mendicant friars with us, have
multiplied, and never varied. The cuſtom of
erecting caravanſerais for travellers, with ſchools
and hoſpitals near all their moſques, has never
degenerated, In a word, the Turks are ſtill what
they were, not only at the taking of Conſtanti-
nople, but when they firſt invaded Europe.
* A Zaim in Atabic ſigniftes a perſon that leads a certain num-
ber of men into the field; and the lands they poſſeſs are called
Zaimats, ;
I The Cadis are judges of civil cauſes throughout the Tur-
-kiſh empire; but ſtrictly ſpeaking the word Cadis is taken for
the judge of a town, and Molla for the judge of a province.
t The Cadi-Lefter, in the Turkiſh empire, is the chief juſtice,
who determines cauſes in the divan. Cad! fignifies a judge, and
Leſter an army, becauſe his office originally extended to = -
ing of ſoldiers : but that juriſdiction is now at an end; for the
ſoldiers have the privilege of being tried'only by their own offi-
cers, See Sir Paul Ricaut of the Ottoman empire.
& Dervis ſignifies poor, or detached from the world, and is a
name common to all ſorts of Turkiſh friars,
CHAP.
PP —
Te le a
State of Greece.
CHAP.' LEXET.
Of the progreſs of the Turks.
RING a reign of one and thirty years,
Mahomet marched on from conqueſt to
conqueſt, without being oppoſed by any league
of Chriſtian princes: for we muſt not give the
name of league to a very ſhort underitanding be-
tween Hunniades prince of Tranſylvania, the king
of Hungary, and a deſpot of black Ruſſia. This
famous captain Hunniades gave convincing prooſs
that if he had been better aſſiſted, the Chriſtians
would not have been ſtripped of all thoſe coun-
tries which the Mahometans now poſſeſs in Eu-
rope. He repulſed Mahomet II from before Bel-
grade, three years before the taking of Conſtan-
tinople, N
At this ſame time the Perſians fell upon the
Turks, and diverted the torrent with which Chri-
ſtianity was overwhelmed. Uſſum Caſſan, of the
branch of Tamerlane, called the White Ram, an!
er of Armenia, had lately ſubdued Perſia,
e intermarried with Chriſtians, whereby he gave
them a hint to unite againſt the common enemy:
for he married the daughter of David Comnenus,
emperor of Trebiſond. The Chriſtians were not
allowed to marry their godmothers, or couſins ; am
yet we find, that in Greece, Spain, and Aſia, the
made no ſcruple of intermarrying with Maho-
metans. |
The Tartar Uſſum Caſſan, ſon-in-law of the
Chriſtian emperor David Comnenus, attacked Ma-
homet on the banks of the Euphrates, This was
M 3 a favour-
State of Greece, Ch. Ixxix.
a favourable opportunity for the Chriſtians; and
yet it was alſo neglected. They ſuffered Maho-
met, after various ſucceſs, to conclude a peace
with the Perſian; to take Trebifond, with part
of Cappadocia that depended on it; to turn his
arms againſt Greece; to ſeize on Negropont; to
return to the extremity of the Black ſea ; to make
himſelf maſter of Caffa, the ancient Theodoſia
rebuilt by the Genocſe; to return and reduce Scu-
tari, Zante, and Cephalonia; to make inroads up to
Trieſte at the very gates of Venice; and, at
length, to eftabliſh the Mahometan power in the
middle of Calabria, where he menaced the reit
of Italy, and from whence his generals did not
|| withdraw till after his deceaſe. He did not in-
deed ſucceed in the ſiege of Rhodes, but though
he mifled taking this little iſland, ſtill the reſt of
the weſtern world were not the leſs ftruck with
the terror of his arms.
Mahomet had conquered Epirus after the death
of Scanderbeg z when the Venetians had the cou-
rage to oppoſe his arms. This was the æra of
the Venetian power; they had a conſiderable ex-
tent of territory on the continent, while their
fleets bid defiance to the naval power of Maho-
met, and made the conqueſt of Athens. But, at
length, this republic receiving no ſuccours, was
obliged to give up Athens, and moreover to pur-
chaſe, by an annual tribute, the liberty of trad-
ing to the Black ſea, imagining thus to repair
her offes by commerce, which had laid the foun-
dation of her grandeur, We ſnall ſee that ſoon
aſter, pope Julius II, and almoſt all the Chriſtian
princes, did more miſchief to this republic, than
it had ſuffered from the Ottomans,
la
P —
— on” Ld ov 9" oy
*
State of Greece.
In the mean while Mahomet II was preparing
to carry his victorious arms againſt the Mama-
lukes of Egypt, at the time that his generals were
ſtill in the kingdom of Naples: he flattered him-
ſelf that afterwards he ſhould be able to take
Rome as eaſily as he had taken Conſtantinople;
and hearing mention made of the ceremony with
which the doge of Venice marries the Adriatic,
he ſaid, that he would foon ſend him to the batt:m
of that ſea to conſummate his marriage. A colic
pain freed the world of him at the age of fifty-
one. The Turks have nevertheleſs preſerved a
more extenſive and more beautiful territory in. |
Europe, than all Italy, The country of the Mil-
tiades's, the Leonidas's, the Alexander's, the So-
phocles's, and the Plato's, ſoon relapſed into bar-
bariſm. The Greek language from that time was
corrupted 3 and there ſcarce remained the leait
veſtige of the liberal arts: for though there is a
Greek academy at Conſtantinople, yet it is far
from being comparable to that of Athens ; neither
have the arts been re-eſtabliſhed by the fix thou-
ſand monks whom the Turks permit to live on
mount Athos. Formerly that very ſame Conſtanti-
nople was under the protection of Athens; and
Chalcedon paid tribute to it. The king of Thrace
courted the honour of being ranked as one of
her citizens, But now, the deſcendants of the
Tartars lord it over that fine country, while the
name of Greece can hardly be faid to ſubſiſt.
Yet the little town of Athens will be. ever more
celebrated with us, than the Turks her oppreſſors,
were they even to be lords of the univerſe,
The Greeks remained in a ſtate of oppreſſion,
though not of ſlavery ; they were ſuffered to re-
4 tain
248
Stare of Greece, Ch. Ixxix.
tain their religion and their laws : on which oc-
caſion the Turks behaved in the ſame manner
as the Arabians had behaved in Spain. The
Greck families continue in their country, de-
ſpiſed, but unmoleſted: they pay only a ſmall
tribute, carry on a triũing commerce, and culti-
vate the lands; their cities and their towns have
ſtul their protogeres who decides their diſputes ;
and they low an honourable ſupport to their
patriarch. TI his prelate muſt certainly draw very
conſiderabie ſums from them, ſince he pays, at
his inſtallation, four thouſend ducats to the Im-
perias exchequer, and as many more to the oſſi-
cers of the Port.
The preateit ſubjectiion the Greeks are under,
is the 'vbi\gativn of ſupplying the ſultan, by way
vi tribute, with 2 number of children, to ferve
a the feraghe, or among the janizarics, A fa-
ther of à family is compelled to give one of his
tons, or to tanſom him, I bere are Chriſtian
provinces in Europe, where the cuſlom obtains
of appuinting children for the army from their
very cradle. I beſe children of tribute, brought
up by the I urks, uied to make great fortunes in the
ſeragho. Even the condition * is tolet-
able. It is a great poof of the force of education,
and of the Zrange confitution of human àfl. 41s,
that molt of thoſe proud encuncs of Cbriſtianity
World be burn of Chuüſttan parents, It was Hi a
greater proof of the wrrehllible fatality, by which
Lie Jupreme Being couutcle the levers) events of
this world, taut Conſtantinople ſhould have been
built by Conflamine for the Turks; as the
tonndatizna of the cpnol had ben lad fo many
apes
State of Greer.
ages before by Romulus for the Roman pon»
tifs,
Here I think it incumbent upon me to combat
2 vulgar error, that the Turks live under an ab-
furd kind of government, called deſpatic 3 thit
the people are all faves to the ſultan ; hat they
bave no fort of property; but that their lives
and eſtates belong to their maſter, Such a go
yernment would deftroy ite. Beſides, it wou'd
be very extraordinary, that the conquered Greets
Gould be free, and their conguerors flaves. Sore
travellers imagine, that the lands all belong t»
the ſultan, becauſe be makes timariots for liſe,
as former)y the kings of the Franks granted mils
ary benehces, heſe gentlemen ſhould hae
confidered that there we laws of inhe itance in
Turky, as every where ele.
True it is that the perſonal eftates of the ba-
ſhaws devolve to the ſultan at their decezfe, ard
that he gives what part be pleaſes to the family,
But this was 2 cuſtom eſtabliſned in Europe when
the Hels were not hereditary; and a long wire
after, even the biſhops thenielves inberucd tt
perions) eſtates of the lower clergy, while the
popes exerciſed this right over the cardinals, ang
over all the incumbents who died within the re.
lidence of the ſupreme pont't.
The Turks ate not only free, but they heave
no diſtinction of nobility amorg chem? they
Lo. no other ſuperiorit) but that of employ -
Wments.
In their manners they ate fierce and nauglay,
and at the fame tice efominate : their fiercenefs
they derive from the Scythians the auceftprs, and
. 5 cen
. ²— . ²˙ . eee IL}
State of Greece. Ch. Ixxix.
their ſoſtneſs from Greece and Aſia. Their pride
is exceſſive: they are conquerors and ignorant;
which is the cauſe of their deſpiſing all other
nations. | BY
The Ottoman empire is not a monarchical
government, tempered by mildneſs and modera-
tion, like thoſe of France and Spain,; much leſs
does it reſemble Germany, a republic of princes
and of towns, under a fupreme head who has
the title of emperor. It partakes nothing of
Dean, where the huſbandmen are flaves, and
the nobles are kings; and it is as different from
England in conſtitution. as in climate. Yet we
muſt not imagine, that it is in every reſpect an
Py government, where the law allows a
ingle perſon to ſacrifice ts his wanton fancy a
multitude of men, like ſo many deer kept for his
pleaſure. 1 „
Our prejudices are ſuch that we fancy à Chi-
aus * can, ſtaff in hand, command all the houſe-
keepers of a town, in the ſultan's name, to deli-
ver up their money and their daughters for the
uſe of his maſter. There are doubtleſs horrid
abuſes in the Turkiſh government, but, gene-
rally ſpeaking, theſe abuſes are leſs fatal to the
common people than to thoſe who have a ſhare
in the adminiſtration : it is they that feel the ut-
moſt rigour of deſpotic power. The private ſen-
The Chiauſes are officers of the grand fignor, emplcyed in
executing his orders, and carrying diſpatches to different parts of
the empire. There are aboutfive or fix hundred of them. Their
captain, or chief, is called Chiaus Baſhaw, They are ſometimes
fent as ambaſſadors into foreign countries: the word Chiau
i of Turkiſh 6riginal, and ſignifies ſent, See Tavern, xelat, du
ft.. 5
ence
State of Greece,
tence of a divan * is ſufficient to ſacrifice the
heads of the principal men upon the leaſt ſuſpi-
cion. There is no great body eſtabliſhed in this
country to render the laws reſpectable, and the
ſovereign's perſon ſacred : no barrier of the con-
ſtitution againſt the unjuſt encroachments of the
vizir. Hence there is very little remedy for the ſub-
ject when he is oppreſſed, or for the maſter when
a conſpiracy is formed againſt his life. The
grand ſignor, though conſidered as the moſt po ·
tent ſovereign in the world, is at the ſame time
the leaft ſettled on the throne; he is depoſed in
one day's inſurrection. In this the Turks have
followed the manners of the Greek empire; only
they have a greater reſpect for the Ottoman ſamily,
than the Greeks had for their emperors. They
depoſe, they murder a ſultan, but always in fa-
vour of the next heir. On the contrary,. the
Greek empire had, by divers aſſaſſinations, paſſed
through twenty different families.
The fear of being dethroned is a greater check
to the Turkiſh emperors, than all the laws of the
| Koran. Though he is abſolute maſter in his ſe-
raglio, maſter of the lives of his officers by means
of the Mufti's fetfas t, yet he has not the fame
| power
* Divan is a covncil-chamber or court of juſtice among the
oriental nations, particularly the Turks, It is an Arabic word,
Which ſignifies an alcove, or bed room, See Tavernier, Theve-
not, Ec.
+ The Mufti is the chief of the ecclefiaſtical order, or. pri-
mate of the Mahometan religion. His authority is very great,
and when he determines any pont, the grand ſignor, by whom
he is choſen, never contradits him. In ſolving difficulties his
anſwer is very ſhort, yes, or no; and ſometimes adding, God kri2vs
better, Theſe anſwers are called Fetfas, which, in the Turkiſh
language, ſignifies a ſentence 3 and in Arabic, the anſever, or judg-
M 6 ment
_ ——— s . _ .
Sub cat e
— — Fi. — 3 = 4. >.
1 8 xe y ERS
= — * — VI" -
,
.
3
252
State of Greece, Ch. Ixxix.
power over the cuſtoms of the empire: he cannot
increaſe the taxes, nor meddle with the public mo-
ney ; even his private treaſure is ſeparate from
that of the public.
The ſultan's office is ſometimes the moſt eaſy
in the world, while that of the grand vizir is
the moſt laborious ; the latter is at the ſame time
conſtable, chancellor, and firſt preſident. The
reward of ſo much toil is frequently baniſhment
or ſtrangling. |
The poſt of baſhaw uſed to be no leſs danger-
pus ; and, till very lately, their fate has been ge-
nerally a violent death. All this proves, that
they were long an unpoliſhed people, with the
lame barbarity of manners as that which prevail-
ed for many ages in the Chriſtian provinces of
Europe, when ſuch a number of heads were
chopped off upon the ſcaffold ; when La Broſſe,
the favourite of St. Lewis, was hanged ; when
the miniſter Laguette expired under the rack, in
the reign of Charles the Fair, ; when Charles de
la Cerda, conſtable of France, was executed with-
out form of trial, under king John; when Angu-
ren de Marigni was hanged at Montfaucon upon
a gibbet of his own erecting ; when the body of
the prime miniſter Montaiga was carried to the
ſame gibbet ; when the grand maſter of the knights
templars expired in the flames; and when ſuch
cruelties were common in monarchical ſtates,
We ſhould be greatly miſtaken, were we to ima-
ine that theſe barbarities were a. conſequence
of abſolute power. Not one Chiiſtiao prince at
delivered to the Cadi, or judge, he is obliged to conſoim to t
withuut appeal,
ſ
ment of a wiſe man. They are of ſuch foree that when * |
that
State of Greecs,
that time was deſpotic ; nor is the grand ſeignor
ſo now. It is true that ſeveral ſultans made alt
laws bend to their will; for inſtance, Mahomet II,
Selim, and Solyman. Conquerors meet with very
little oppolition from their ſubjects ; but our hiſto-
rians are miſtaken, when they look upon che Ot-
toman empire as a government eflentially de-
ſpotic,
Count Marſigli, who was better informed of
theſe matters, expreſſes himſelf thus: We find
that all our hiſtorians extil the 1 power,
which is thus deſpotically exerciſed by the ſultan :
but how wide are they from the real truth * ! He
ſays that the militia of the janizaries, who re-
main at Conſtantinople, and are called Capiculi,
are empowered by the laws to impriſon the ſul-
tan, to put him to death, and to appoint his ſuc-
ceſſor. He adds, that the grand ſeignor is fre-
quently obliged to conſult the civil aud military
officers ia concluding peace or war.
Neither are the baſhaws abſolute in their pro-
vinces, as we commonly imagine; for they de-
pend upon the divan. The principal inhabitants
have a right to complain of their conduct, and
to ſend memorials againſt them to the grand divan
of Conſtantinople. In a word, Marſigli con-
cludes with qualifying the Turkiſh government
as a democracy. And indeed it is nearly ſuch a
democracy as that of Tunis or Algiers. Thoſe
ſultans, whom the people dare not look in the
face, who are accoſted with ſuch proftrations as
bear the reſemblance of divine worſhip, have only
In tutte le noſtre ſtorie ſentiamo eſaltar la ſovranita, che coſi
— pravicaſi dal ſuliano : ma uante fi ſcoſtano elle
wt werg {
the
.
3 2 "IJ . — 2 2 ¹w- A ˙¹ UU ] ken EC —
5 "4. 4 Zoo 3 3 Way * 9 - 1 — Ao 2.
2 * 2 4 > — *s . N — 0 2 — = 2 Ws 4 . — 5 =
8 „ * r * — — * — _
EI
2
8 > 2 —
* IDE AF? Yy
rr
hs * —
? N
Gs = f 2
State of Greece, Ch. lxxix,
the externals of deſpotiſm; they are not abſolute,
except when they know how to exert that luſt
for arbitrary power, which ſeems to be innate in
all mankind. Lewis XI, Henry VIII, and Sixtus
Quintus, were as deſpotic as any ſultan what-
ever. Were we thus to fathom the ſecrets of
Aſiatic thrones, which are ſeldom revealed to
ſtrangers, we ſhould find that there is not fo
much deſpotiſm in the world as people imagine,
In Europe we have ſeen princes, who are vaſl-
ſals to a limited monarch, act with more arbitrary
authority in their own territories than the em-
perors of Perſia and India, And yet it would be
very -wrong to imagine, that the territories. of
thoſe princes are by their conſtitution ſubject to
a deſpotic government, |
Moſt hiffories of modern nations, except per-
haps thoſe of England and Germany, lead us into
error, becauſe they ſeldom diſtinguiſh between
times and perſons, between Jaw and abuſes, be-
tween occaſional events and eſtabliſhed cuſtoms,
We ſhould be likewiſe miſtaken, were we to
fancy that the Turkiſh government is an uniform
adminiſtration, and that couriers ſet out every
day from the ſeraglio with orders to the gover-
nors of the ſeveral provinces. This vaſt empire,
which was formed by conqueſt at different times,
and which continued, as we ſhall ſee, to increaſe
in power till the eighteenth century, is compoſed
of thirty different nations, that have neither the
ſame language, religion, nor manners. They are
| Greeks of the ancient Ionia, on the coaſt of Aſia
Minor and Achaia.; they are the inhabitants of
the Taurica Cherſoneſus ; they are the Getes con-
verted to Chriſtianity, and known by the *
0
$$ (0 OY bas ww Ww o@
—
4
—
—
State of Greece.
of Walachians and Moldavians ; they are Arabs,
Armenians, Bulgarians, Illyrians, Jews; in fine,
they are Egyptians, and ſucceſſors of the ancient
Carthaginians, who, as we ſhall ſee, were ſwal-
lowed up in the Ottoman power. All theſe na-
tions the Turkiſh militia alone has conquered,
and ftill holds in ſubjection. They are all differ-
ently governed: ſome ſubmit to princes appointed
by the Port, as Walachia, Moldavia, and Crim
Tartary. The Greeks live under a municipal
adminiſtration, dependent on a baſhaw. The
number of the conquered is immenſe, in compa-
riſon to that of the conquerors ;3 there are but
very few native Turks; not one of them culti-
vates the earth, or applies himſelf to the liberal
arts. We may ſay of them what Virgil ſays of
the Romans, their art is to command *, . The
great difference between the Turkiſh conquer-
ors and the ancient Romans, is, that the Jatter
incorporated themſelves with all the vanquiſhed
nations, whereas the former continue ſeparate
from thoſe whom they have ſubdued, and by
whom they are ſurrounded. |
It is true there are about three hundred thou-
ſand Greeks in Conſtantinople ; but of theſe there
are three thouſand artificers, or merchants, that toil
for their lords and maſters. They are a whole
conquered nation ſtill permitted to live in their
capital, but not ſo much as ſuffered to wear the
Turkiſh dreſs. |
5 N regere imperio populos, Romane, memento :
He tibi erunt artes; paciſque imponere morem,
Parcere ſubjeftis, & debellare ſuperbos. |
En. lib, 6,
To
253
State of Greece, Chi. Ixxix
To this remark let us add, that one fing!s
power ſubdued. all this country from the Archi-
pelago to the Euphrates, and yet twenty combined
powers, with all their cruſades, could make but very
ſhort ſettlements in thoſe ſame provinces, though
they had twenty times the number of ſoldiers,
and they had made repeated attempts for the ſpace
of two hundred years.
Sir Paul Ricaut,. an author who lived. long in
T urky, attributes the ſtability of the Ottoman em-
pire to a ſupernatural-p:wer. He cannot conceivs
how ſuch a government, which depends on the ca-
price of the janizaries, ſhou!d be able to ſupport it-
ſelf againſt its own ſoldiers, and its enemies. But
the Roman empire laſted five hundred years at
Rome, and near fourteen centuries in the eaſt, not-
withſtanding the conftant mutiny ing of armies; the
ſovereigns were dethroned, but the throne ſub-
fiſtec. The Turks have the ſame veneration
for the Ottoman line: this is in ſome meaſure-
their fundamental law: the ſultan is often depoſ-
ed ; but :s we have alteady obſerved, the empire
is never given away to a ſtrange family. There
is therefore no danger of the internal conſtitution
of the empire, though the emperor and the vizirs
are often in danger.
Hitherto this - empire: has not: been afraid of
foreign invaſions. The Perſians have ſeldom broke
in upon the Turkiſh frontiers. . On the contrary,
we ſhall ſee ſultan Amurath IV taking Bagdat by
ſtorm from the Perſians in 1638, and ſtill con-
tinuing maſter of Meſopotamia, while he ſends a
body of troops, on the one hand, to the -great
Mogul againſt Perſia ; and, on the other, threat-
ens the Fendtlans, The Germans have neyer
; appeared
Of Lewis XI, his conduct.
appeared at the gates of Conſtantinople,- as the
Turks have done before Vienna. The Ruſſians
are grown formidable to the Turks, only ſince
the reign of Peter the Great, In a word, the
Ottoman empire owes its beginning to ſtrength
and ferocity, and its continuance to the diviſions
of Chriſtian princes. In all this there is nothing
ſupernatural. We ſhall ſee in what manner this
empire increaſed in power, and long retained its
barbarous cuſtoms, which at length are grown
more civilized, ', |
CHAP, LXXX.
Of Lewis AI, king of France.
P 0 1 E feudal government ſoon expired in
rance, after Charles VII had begun to-
eſtabliſh his power by the expulfion of the Eng-
liſh, by the acquiſition of ſo many provinces re-
united to the crown, and, in fine, by perpetuat-
ing the ſubſidies.
For a contrary reaſon the feudal order was-
eſtabliſhed in Germany under elective emperors,
who, as emperors, had neither territories nor
ſubſidies. Italy was ſtill divided into republics
and independent principalities. Spain and the
North were both ſtrangers to abſolute power;
while England, in the midſt of its diviſions, was
ſowing the ſeeds of that extraordinary govern-
ment, whoſe 100, though often cut, and often.
moiſtenc with blood, has at length, after a ſe-
GCSE
ties:
257
Of Lewis XI, Ch. Ixxx.
ries of ages, produced, to the ſurprize of nations,
an equal mixture of liberty and regal authority.
In France there were only two great fiefs re-
maining, Burgundy and Britany: but their power
rendered them independent,; and notwithſtanding
the feudal laws, they were not conſidered in Eu—
rope as a part of the kingdom. The duke of
Burgundy, Philip the Good, had even ſtipulated
that he ſhould not yield homage to Charles VII,
when he forgave him the murder of duke John
his father. E
The princes of the blood in France had peer-
ages for their appanage, but dependent on the
juriſdiction of the parliament. The lords, ſo
powerful on their lands, had no longer that power
which they formerly enjoyed, in the ſtate: there
was ſcarce any beyond the Loite but the count
of Foix that intituled himſelf prince by the, grace
of God, and coined; money; but the lords of the
efs, and the corporations of the great cities had
immenſe privileges, hb te
Lewis XI, ſon of Charles VII, was the firſt
abſolute king in Europe, ſince the decline of the
houſe of Charlemaign, He did not attain the eaſy
enjoyment of this power till after violent com-
motions. His life is a moſt remarkable contraſt
of virtue and vice. Muſt he, to the diſgrace
and confuſion of virtue, deſerve to be conſidered
as a great king, he who is deſcrived as an un-
natural ſon, a cruel brother, a bad father, and
a perhdious neighbour ? He embittered the latter
end of his father's days, arid was the cauſe of
his death : for the unfortunate Charies VII died,
as every one knows, through fear leſt -_ __
jou
*
his conduct.
ſhould deſtroy him; chuſing to ſtarve himſelf in
order to avoid the poiſon which he fo. much
dreaded. This fear alone in a father, of being
poiſoned by his own ſon, proves but too well that
the latter was looked upon as capable of com-
mitting the flagitious deed, |
After maturely examining the whole conduct
of Lewis XI, may we not look upon him as a
man who wanted to colour his acts of violence
by baſe artifice, and to maintain his impoſtures
by cruelty ? How comes it that in the beginning
of his reign, ſo many lords who had been ſtrongly
attached to his father, and eſpecially the famous
count de Dunois, whoſe ſword had been the ſup-
port of the crown, entered into a confederacy
againſt him for the public good? They had taken
no advantage of the | weakneſs of the govern-
ment, a thing ſo often done; but Lewis XI made
a bad uſe of its ſtrength, Is it not plain, that
the father, inſtructed by his own miſtakes and
misfortunes, had governed extremely well; and
that the ſon, too 'much elated by power, began
with governing ill? |
By this confederacy he was in danger of loſing
his crown and his life. The battle fought at146;.
Montlerj, did not prove deciſive ; ſo that he could.
not diſunite the confederates, till he granted to
each of them what they demanded, Thus there
was even a mixture of weakneſs where he ſhewed
his abilities.
Without any manner of reaſon he made Charles
the ſon of Philip the Good, who was maſter of
Burgundy, Franche-Comte, Flanders, Artois, of
the towns on the Somme, and of Holland ; he
made this prince, I ſay, his implacable enemy.
He
_
468, a worle polic
260 Of Ziwis XT, Ch. laws.
He ſtirred up the people of Liege to commit a
perfidious act againſt this duke of Burgundy, and
to take up-arms againſt him. At the ſame time
he put himſelf in this prince's power at Perronne,
thinking 1 to deceive him. Could there be
But he was detected, and aſter
having been kept prifoner in the caſtle of Per-
ronne, he was obliged to attend his vaſſal againſt
thoſe very people of Liege, whom he had ſpirited
up to rebellion. Could there be a greater humi ·
lation ! |
He is afraid of his brother the duke of Berry,
in conſequence of which this prince is poiſoned.
his confeſſor, a Benedictine monk, named
Favre Veſois. This is not one of thoſe dubious
impoiſonings, which the malicious vulgar are apt
to ſwallow without proof. The duke of Berry was
at ſupper, and ſat between his miſtreſs the lady of
Montſorau and his confeſſor. The latter cauſed a
very large peach to be ſet before them; the lady ex-
pired immediately upon eating of it; the prince
fell into terrible convulſions, and died ſoon after.
Odet Daidie, a brave nobleman, defirous of
revenging the duke's death, to whom he had
been always attached, carried the guilty monk
out of Lewis's juriſdiction into Britanny. Here
he was fairly tried; but the day they were to
paſs ſentenee, he was found dead in his bed. To
quiet the public clamour, Lewis ordered the
writings to be brought to him, and appointed:
commiſſioners; but they decided nothing, and
the king amply rewarded them. There were
very few in Europe who doubted that Lewis had
committed this crime, he, who when dauphin,
kad made his father afraid of. his life. Hiſto-
rians-
his conduct.
Tians ought not to accuſe him without ſufficient i
proof, but they ought to be ſorry for his having 4
deſerved this ſuſpicion: they ſhould obſerve, that |
every prince who has been guilty of a notorious
crime, is guilty alſo of all the raſh judgments
which the people make on his actions. i
Such was the conduct of Lewis XI towards his 4
vaſſals and his relations ; let us now ſee how he N
behaved towards his neighbours. Edward IV, 6
king of England, lands in France, in order to re- b
E cover the conqueſts of his anceſtors, Lewis is 1475.
1 able to fight him, but chuſes rather to pay tribute.
1 He bribes the chief officers among the Engliſh,
g makes preſents of wine to the whole army, and
t purchaſes the return of this army into England.
8 Would it not have been more becoming the dig-
f nity of a king of France, to employ the money
N ſpent in ſeducing the perſon whom he had no rea-
* ſon to dread, and whom he ought not to have
e dreaded, to employ it, I ſay, in making prepa-
5 rations to oppoſe him?
of Princes of generous minds are not afraid of
ad chuſing men of rank and abilities, for their . fa-
vourites and miniſters. Lewis XI had none hardly
for his confidents and miniſters, but perſons of
mean birth, whoſe minds were ſtill lower than
their condition,
Few tyrants ever put more citizens to death
by the hands of the common executioner, and
by more exquiſite torments, than Lewis XI. The
annals of the time mention four thouſand ſubjects
executed either in public or in private during his
reign, Dungeons, iron cages, chains, with which
his victims were loaded, are the monuments left
| us
262
1477.
Of Lewis M. Ch. Ixxx.
us by this monarch, which we behold with
horror. '
It is ſurprizing that father Daniel ſcarce ſo
much as mentions the execution of James d' Ar-
magnac, duke of Nemours, a known deſcendant
of Clovis, The circumſtances and apparatus of his
death, the confiſcation of his eſtate, the dungeons
in which his young children were ſhut up till the
death of Lewis XI, are melancholy as well as in-
tereſting ſubjects of curioſity. - ie is not known
for certain what crime this prince committed, He
was tried by commiſſioners, from whence we may
preſume he was not guilty. Some hiſtorians charge
him in general with having intended to ſeize the
king, and to employ a perſon to kill the dauphin.
Such a charge deſerves no credit.. A petty prince
who had taken ſhelter at the foot of the Pyrenees,
could hardly at that diftance, and in time of full
peace, ſeize on Lewis XI, who was abſolute and
all: powerful in his dominions. The notion of
killing the dauphin, who was yet an infant, and
of preſerving the father, is one of thoſe extrava-
gant whims that never could come into the head
of a ſtateſman. This however is heyond doubt,
that Lewis XI hated the houſe of Armagnac, that
he gave orders for arreſting the duke of Nemours
at Carlat in 1477, that he confined him in an iron
eage in the baſtille, that having drawn up the in-
ditement himſelf, he commiffioned judges to try
him, among whom was Philip de Comines, a fa-
mous traitor, who having long betrayed the ſe-
crets of the houſe of Burgundy to the king, went
over to the ſervice of France, and whoſe memoirs
are eſteemed, though written with the reſerve of
ow” 2 a courticr,
his conduct.
à courtier, who was afraid to tell the truth even
after the death of Lewis XI. 5
The king ordered the duke of Nemours to be
examined, racked, and condemned in his iron
cage. He afterwards confeſſed to a prieſt in a
hall hung with black. The confeſling to a prieſt
was a favour which began to be granted to cri-
minals. The black hanging was the ceremony
obſerved. with princes. Thus was Conradin exe-
cuted at Naples, and thus was Mary Stuart after-
wards treated in England.
But cruel, beyond all example, was it in Lewis
XI to place the duke's young children under the
ſcaffold in the market-hall at Paris, to receive their
father's blood upon their heads, Accordingly they
went from thence all covered with it; in which
condition they were carried to the baſtille, and put
n as pre made in the form of ſcuttles, where
their bodies were in continual pain, A detail of
the ſhocking torments they underwent, would be
incredible, were it not atteſted by the petition,
which thoſe unfortunate princes preſented to the
ſtates after the death of Lewis XI in 1483.
Never was there leſs honour: than during this
reign. The judges were not aſhamed to ſhare
P 169 . 15 7 1 |
the fpoils even of perſons on whom they Had
pronounced ſentence, . IP bes
The preceding-times, notwithſtanding the fierce
and barbarous manners of the people, had beeh
productive of ſome heroes. In the reign of Charles
VII there was a Dunois,, a La Trimouille, a Cliſ-
ſon, a Richemont, a Saintraille, a La Hire, all
magiſtrates of great merit: but under Lewis XI
there was not one great man. He degraded the
nation: there was no virtue left: ſubmiſſion ol
|
| Of Lewis Xt, Ch. Ixxx,
plied the ſtead of every other qualification, and
the people at Jength grew as tame as galley
flaves. i
And yet this artful and obdurate wretch had
two propenſities, which ought naturally to have
humanized his manners, namely, love and de-
votion. He had miſtreſſes, by whom he had had
three baſtards; and beſides, he uſed to go on pil-
grimages. Love indeed was part of his natural cha-
racer ; but his devotion was only the ſuperſti-
tious fear of a weak inordinate mind. He was al-
ways covered with relics, and wore a leaden
image of our lady on his cap, of whom it is pre-
tended that he uſed to aſk forgiveneſs for his
aſſaſſinations even before he committed them. He
ve the county of Bologna, by contract, to the
bleſſed Virgin. Surely piety does not conſiſt in
making the Virgin a counteſs, but in abſtaining
from fach actions as our conſcience condemns,
and God muſt puniſh ? | _
He introduced the Italian cuſtom of ringing
a bell at noon, and of ſaying an Ave Maria.
He aſked the pope for the privilege of wearing
the ſurplice and the amict *, and of being an-
ointed a ſecond time with the oil of the holy vial
of Rheims. ALE
At length perceiving the approach of death, he
Mut himſelf up in the caſtle of Pleſſis-les-tours,
where, inacceſſible to his ſubjects, ſurrounded
with guards, and devoured with inquietude, he
ſent to Calabria for an hermit, whoſe name was
Francis Martorillo, fince revered by the name of
*The Amict is a linen garment covering the head and ſhoul-
ders, and worn by the prieſts of the church of Rome, when they
celebrate maſs, K
I ot,
his conduct.
St. Francis of Paula. He throws himſelf at his
feet, and with tears in his eyes, beſeeches him to
intercede with God that he may prolong his lite
as if the eternal order of things ought to have
changed at the voice of a Calabrian in a French
village, only that a weak and perverſe mind
might remain in a rotten carcaſs, longer than
nature would permit. While thus he ſues to a
foreign hermit for life, he thinks to re- animate
his old body by drinking plentifully of childrens
blood, which he vainly hoped would correct the
ſharpneſs of his own.
It is impoſſible to meet with a more wretched
fate than this prince did, in the midſt of proſpe-
rity, continually tortured by an uneaſy mind,
by remorſe, by fear, and by the vexation of being
hated.
And yet he was the firſt king of France that
took upon him the title of the moſt Chriſtian,
almoſt at the ſame time that Ferdinand of Arra-
gon, a prince as famous for his perfidy as for his
conqueſts, aſſumed the name of Catholic. Such
a multitude of vices however did not deprive
Lewis XI of his good qualities. He did not want
courage, but could attack an enemy like a king
he underſtood mankind, and was verſed in buſi-
neſs; he would likewiſe have juſtice adminiſtered,
ſuffering none but himſelf to be unjuſt with im-
punity.
After Paris had been laid waſte by a conta-
gion, it was repeopled through his care and vi-
gilance; it is true, that among the new inhabi-
tants there was a great number of thieves and
vagabonds, but the ſeverity of the magiſtrates
ſoon made them good citizens. In his reign there
Vor. II. | were
266
Of Lewis AI, Ch. Ixxx.
were fourſcore thouſand inhabitants in that city
able to bear arms. To him the people are in-
debted for the firſt humiliation of the nobility ;
an event for which about fifty families complain-
ed, and more than five hundred thouſand had rea-
ſon to rejoice.
It is he that eſtabliſhed the poſt-office, but not
in the manner in which it is regulated at preſent
in all parts of Europe. He only renewed the
veredarii * of Charlemaign, and of the ancient
Roman empire. Two hundred and thirty meſ-
ſengers were always employed in carrying his
orders. Private people might ride the horſes ap-
pointed for theſe meſſengers, paying ten pence a
horſe for every ſtation of four leagues, The let-
ters were delivered from town to town by the
king's meſſengers ; a regulation which for a long
time obtained only in France, He wanted to
render the weights and meaſures uniform through-
out his dominions, as they had been in the time
of Charlemaign. In fine, he was an inſtance that
a bad man can promote the public good, where
it does not claſh with his private intereſt.
The impoſts under Charles VII, independently
of the crown lands, amounted to ſeventeen hun-
dred thouſand livres ; under Lewis XI they in-
creaſed to four millions ſeven hundred thouſand
livres; and the livre being at that time ten to
the mark, this ſum amounted to three and twenty
* Veredarius is a word uſed in the times of baſe latinity, to
ſignify a meſſenger, or even a poſtmaſter, from veredus, a poſt
horſe, or hunting nag.
Stragula ſuccindti wenator ſume veredi;
Nam ſolet a nudo ſurgere fieus equo,
4 4 Mart. 14. 86.
1 mil-
© —
—
his conduckł.
millions five hundred thouſand livres preſent mo-
ney. If, purſuing theſe proportions, we examine
into the price of proviſions, and eſpecially of
corn, the principal branch of human ſupport, we
ſhall find that it was not half ſo much as in
our days. Thus, three and twenty millions went
as far with them, as forty ſix with us,
Such was the power of France, before Burgun-
dy, Franche-Comte, Artois, the territory of Bou-
logne, the towns on the Somme, Provence, and
Anjou, were by Lewis XI incorporated with the
French monarchy. France ſoon roſe to be the moſt
powerful kingdom in Europe ; it was like a river
increaſed by twenty leſſer ſtreams, and cleared of
the dirt and mud which had long diſturbed its
waters. |
Titles at that time began to be given to power :
Lewis XI was the firſt king of France who took
that of Majeiy, which the emperor only had
hitherto borne ; but the German chancery would
never give it to any king, till very lately. The
kings of Arragon, Caſtile, and Portugal, had the
title of Highneſs ; and the king of England was
ſtiled your Grace, Lewis XI might be ſtiled your
1
e have ſeen by what a ſeries of ſucceſsful
crimes he became the firſt abſolute king in Eu-
rope, fince the grand eſtabliſhment of feudal go-
vernment. Ferdinand the Catholic could not at-
tain the ſame power in Arragon. Iſabella, by her
artifices, had prepared the Caſtilians for paſſive
obedience, but ſhe did not rule deſpotically, Each
ſtate, each province, each town in Europe, had
its particular privileges. The feudal lords often
Oppoſed theſe * while the kings endea-
2
voured
268
Of Lewis XI, his conduct. Ch Ixxx
voured to reduce both lords and towns alike un-
de their obedience. None of them obtained their
ends except Lewis XI ; but it was by ſhedding
the blood of the Armagnacs and the Luxemburgs
on a ſcaffold, by ſacrificing every thing to his ſu-
ſpicions, and by giving immenſe rewards to thoſe
_ who executed his bloody purpoſes. Iſabella of
Caſtile went to work with more cunning, and
without bloodſhed. For inſtance, if ſhe wants
to reunite the dutchy of Placentia to the crown
by infinuations and money ſhe ſtirs up the duke
of Placentia's vaſſals againſt him: they aſſemble
in a body, and inſiſt on becoming vaſſals to the
queen; and ſhe conſents out of complaiſance.
At the ſame time that Lewis XI increaſed his
power oyer the people by his ſeverity, he en-
larged his kingdom by his induſtry. He obtained
Provence of the laſt ſovereign count of that coun-
try, whereby he wrefted a preat fief from the
empire, juſt as Philip of Valois had acquired Dau-
'phine. Anjou and Maine, which belonged to
the count of Provence, were likewiſe reunited to
the crown, Policy, money, and good fortune,
gradually extended the limits of the kingdom of
France, which ſince Hugh Capet's time had made
no great figure, and which the Engliſh had brought
to the brink of deſtruction. This ſame good for-
tune reunited Burgundy to France, and by the
blunders of the laſt duke the body of the ſtate re-
covered a province, which had been imprudently
ſeparated from it,
Of Burgundy &c.
CHAP. LXXXI.
Of Burgundy and the Swiſs at the time of Lewis XI,
in the fifteenth century. |
NAHARLES the bold, who derived his origi-
nal in a direct line from John king of
France, was poſleſſed of the dukedom of Bur-
gundy, as the appanage of his family, with the
towns on the Somme which had been yielded to
him by Charles VII. By right of ſucceſſion he
had Franche- Comte, Artois, Flanders, and almoſt
all Holland. His towns in the Low Countries
enjoyed a moſt flouriſhing trade, which almoſt
rivalled that of Venice. Antwerp was the ſtaple of
the northern nations: in Gaunt there were fifty
thouſand artiſicers employed, in the woolen ma—
nufactory. Bruges was as trading a town as Ant-
werp. Arras was celebrated for its beautiful ta-
peſtries, which ſtill go by its name in Germany,
England and Italy. 3
The princes at that time were accuſtomed to
ſell their territories, when they wanted money,
juſt as a private perſon may now ſell his houſe or
eltate. This cuſtom had ſubſiſted ever ſince the
time of the cruſades. Ferdinand king of Ar-
ragon ſold Rouſſillon to Lewis XI, with the e-
quity of redemption, Charles duke of Burgun-
dy had lately purchaſed Guelderland. The duke
of Auſtria had likewiſe fold him whatever terri-
tor.es he poſſeſſed in Alſace and in the neigh-
bourhood of Swiſſerland. This acquiſition was
worth a great deal more than Charles gave for
it. He was now maſter of a compact territory,
N 3 from
Of Burgundy Ch. Ixxxi,
from the banks of the Somme to the gates of Straſ-
burg. His buſineſs would have been to enjoy it:
few kings in Europe were ſo potent as he; none
was richer, or more magnificent. His intent was to
erect his dominions into a kingdom ; which ſome
time or other might have been extremely prejudicial
to France. All that was requiſite for this purpoſe,
was to purchaſe a diploma of the emperor Frede-
rick III. For the cuſtom ſtill continued of ap-
plying to the emperor for the title of king; an
homage paid to the antient grandeur of the Roman
name. Ihe negotiation miſcarried; but Charles
intending to add Lorrain and Swiſſerland to his
dominions, was very ſure, if he ſucceeded, of
making himſelf king without any other prince's
permiſſion.
1474.
His ambition wore no diſguiſe; which was
chiefly the reaſon why they gave him the ſur-
name of Bold. We may judge of his pride by
the reception he gave to the Swiſs deputies.
Hiſtorians of that country affirm, that the duke
obliged thoſe deputies to addreſs him upon their
knees : a ſtrange contraſt in the manners of a
free * who not long after were his con-
querors |
The duke of Burgundy's pretenſion, to which
the Helvetians ſubmitted, was founded on this.
A great many Swiſs towns were incloſed within
the territories, which he purchaſed of the duke
of Auſtria : and Charles imagined he had made a
purchaſe of ſlaves. Beſides, it had been the cuſtom
forthe deputies of the commons to addreſs the king
of France on their knees; and the duke of Bur-
gundy had preſerved the ceremonial of the bead
of his family, We have elſewhere obſerved that
| ſeyeral
pms = ai {* uy Go oa” — ©
and the Swiſs.
ſeveral kings after the emperor's example had
inſiſted on the ceremony of the knee from thoſe
who accoſted them, or waited at their table;
and that this Aſiatic cuſtom had been introduced
by Conſtantine, and before him by Diocleſian.
Thence alſo aroſe the uſage that a vaſſal did ho-
mage to his lord, on both his knees. T hence
alſo the ceremony of kiſſing the pope's toe. Such
is the hiſtory of human vanity.
Philip of Comines, and the torrent of ſucceed-
ing hiſtorians, pretend that the war againſt the
Swiſs, which proved fo fatal to the duke of Bur-
gundy, was owing to a cart loaded with ſheep
ikins, The moſt trifling incident will produce
a war, when princes have a mind to quarrel] :
but long before that,” Lewis XI had been inciting
the Swiſs againſt the duke of Burgundy, and
many acts of hoſtility had been committed on
both ſides before the accident of the cart, It is
therefore very certain that the ambition of Charles
the Bold was the only cauſe of the war.
At that time there were only eight Swiſs can-
tons: Fribourg, Soleure, Schaff houſe and Ap-
penzel, had not yet joined in. the confederacy.
Baſil an Imperial city, whoſe ſituation on the
Rhine rendered it both powerful and wealthy,
did not conſtitute a part of this infant republic,
which had nothing but the poverty, ſimplicity,
and valour of its inhabitants to diſtinguiſh it,
The deputies of Berne repreſented to this ambi-
tious prince, that their whole country was not
worth his troopers ſpurs: they did not addreſs
him on their knees ; but ſpoke with modeſty,
and defended themſelves with bravery.
N4 The
272
1476.
Of Burgundy Ch. Ixxxi.
The duke's gendarms, all covered with gold,
were twice intirely routed by theſe ſimple pea-
ſants, who were aſtoniſhed at the riches they
found in the enemy's camp,
Who could have thought at that time, when
the biggeſt diamond in Europe, taken by a Swiſs
ſoldier in this battle, was ſold to his general for
a crown; who, I ſay, could have thought that
there would be one day much finer and wealthier
cities in Swiſſerland, than even the capital of
the dukedom of Burgundy ? Theſe people were
long unacquainted with the luxury of diamonds
and embroidered ſilks; and as ſoon as it was
known, it was prohibited : but ſolid riches,
which conſiſt in the cultivation of the earth,
have been gathered there by free and victorious
hands. In our days they have begun to ſtudy
the conveniences of life. All the ſweets of ſo-
ci:ty, together with the improvements of ſound
philoſophy, without which ſociety has no charms,
have made their way into ſome particular ſpots
of Switlerland, where they enjoy a milder climate
together with the bleflings of plenty. In fine,
the inhabitants of this country, formerly fo rude
and uncultivated, may in ſome places be ſaid to
have joined the urbanity of —_— to the ſimpli-
city of Sparta.
Charles the bold wanted to wreak his vengeance
on Lorrain, and to wreſt the town of Nanci,
which he had taken once before, from duke René
its lawful ſovereign, But thoſe very Swiſs, who
had deſeated him before, aſſiſted by their coun-
trymen of Fribourg and Soleure, who by this
very act ſhewed themſelves worthy of their alli-
ance, routed once more the troops of this uſurper,
: when
and the Swiſs.
when he purchaſed with his blood the name of
Bold, which has been given him by-poſterity.
Then it was that Lewis XI took poſſeſſion
of Artois, of the towns on the Somme, of- the
dukedom of Burgundy as a fief male, and of the
city of Beſancon by the right of conveniency.
Princeſs Mary, daughter of Charles the bold,
and heireſs to ſo many provinces, was thus ftrip-
ped at-once of two thirds of her territories. The
ſeventeen provinces which this princeſs ſtill pre-
ſerved, might have been likewiſe joined to the
kingdom of France, had ſhe married the ſon of
Lewis XI, who vainly flattered himſelf that he
might make her his daughter-in-law, while he
was ftripping her of her patrimony. Thus this
= politician miſſed the opportunity of uniting
ranche-Compte -and all the Netherlands to the
French monarchy,
The inhabitants of Gaunt and the reſt of the
Flemmings, who enjoyed more liberty at that
time under their ſovereigns, than even the Engliſh
do at preſent under their kings, obliged their prin-
ceſs to marry Maximilian fon of the emperor Fre-
derick IH.
In our days the people hear of the marriages
of their princes, of peace and war, of new taxes,
and indeed of their moſt eſſential concerns, by
the declaration of their ſovereigns; but it was
not ſo in Flanders, The inhabitants of Gaunt
inſiſted that their princeſs ſhould marry a Ger-
man; and fo ſtrenuouſly did they inſiſt upon it,
that they brought Mary of Burgundy's chancellor,
and Imbercourt her chamberlain, to the block,
for-endeavouring to give her away to the dauphin
of France, Theſe two miniſters were executed
N 5 in
274 Of Burgundy &c. Ch. Ixxxi.
in the preſence of the young princeſs, who in
vain entreated that ferocious people to pardon
them. |
Maximilian being thus invited rather by the
inhabitants of Gaunt, than by the princeſs, con-
cluded the marriage like a private gentleman, who
makes his fortune by marrying an heireſs : his
wife defrayed the expences of his journey, and
maintained both him and his retinue. He had
the princeſs, but not her dominions; in ſhort,
he was only the conſort of a ſovereign : and
after the death- of his wife, when he was in-
truſted with the guardianſhip of his ſon, when
he had the adminiſtration of the Netherlands,
and even when he was elected Cæſar and king of
the Romans, the people of Bruges detained him
in priſon four months for infringing their privi-
leges. If princes have often abuſed their power,
the people have as often abuſed their rights.
This marriage between the heireſs of Burgun-
dy and Maximilian, proved the ſource of all
thoſe wars, which for ſuch a ſeries of years fet
the houſes of France and Auſtria at variance.
[t is this that gave riſe to the grandeur of Charles
V; this that had like to have enſlaved all Eu-
rope: and only becauſe the citizens of Gaunt
would have the diſpoſing of their princeſs in
1 marriage.
Of Chivatry..
CHAP. LXXXII.
Of CHIVAL RY.
HE extinction of the houſe of Burgundy,
the government of Lewis XI, and eſpeci-
ally the new manner of waging war which had
been introduced over all Europe, contributed in-
ſenſibly to aboliſh what we call Chivalry, a kind
of dignity and confraternity, of which there
foon remained no more than a weak and imper-
fect idea.
This chivalry was a warlike inſtitution, intro-
duced among the nobility, as the devout confra-
ternities had been eſtabliſhed among the burghers.
The anarchy and confuſion under which Europe:
laboured upon the decline of the houſe of Char-
lemaign, gave riſe to this inſtitution. Dukes,
counts, vicounts, vidames *, caſtellains +, were
grown ſovereigns on their own eitates: they
waged war againſt each other; but inſtead ot
thoſe great armies of Charles Martel, Pepin, and
Charlemaign, almoſt all Europe was divided into
ſmall bodies of ſeven or eight hundred men, and
ſometimes leſs. Two or three towns formed a
petty ſtate, which was continually at war with
its neighbour.. There was no longer any com-
munication between the provinces, no longer
any high roads, no longer any ſecurity for the
merchants, though the public could not do with-
*The judge of a biſhop's temporal juriſdiction. The word
is derived from YVicedominus, which ſignifies a vicar, or ſte ward of
a lord,
T The conſtable or governor of a cafile, caſellinne, who
commanded in the abſence of the lord.
6. out
y
r
4
Of Cliralry. Ch. Ixxxii.
out them: every lord or caſtellan extorted from
them on the road; and the multitude of towers
on the banks of rivers and in narrow paſlages of
mountains, were only ſo many neſts or Jurking
holes of robbers. They carried off the women,
and plundered the merchants.
A great many lords inſenfibly entered into an
aſſociation, and even vowed, to maintain the pub-
lic ſecurity and to protect the ladies, This vir-
tuous inſtitution received a greater force by being
made a religious act. Thus aſſociations were
formed in almoſt all the provinces : every lord of
2 great fief held it an honour to be a knight, and
to be admitted into the order.
Towards the eleventh century they eftabliſh-
ed both religious and civil ceremonies, which
ſeemed to give a ne character to the candidate:
he was obliged to faſt, to confeſs and receive the
ſacrament, and to paſs a whole night armed cap-
a-pce, He was made to dine by himſelf at a
ſeparate table, while his godfathers and the ladies
who were to put on his armour and to dub him
knight, eat at another. For his part, he was
clad in a white tunic, and fat at his fide-table,
where he was forbid to ſpeak, to laugh, or even
to eat. The next day he entered the church
with his ſword hanging about his neck, and the
prieſt gave him his benediction ; afterwards he
knelt down before the lord or lady who was to
put on his armour. The perſons of the firſt
rank that aſſiſted at the ceremony, put on his
ſpurs, clad him with a cuiraſs, with braſflets *,
* Armour for the arms,
| euiſshes,
Of Chivalry.
euiſches *, gauntlets +, and with a coat of mail.
The godfather who inſtalled him, touched him
three times on the ſhoulder with the flat fide of
his ſword, in the name of God, of St. Michael,
and of St. George. From that time forward, fo
often as he heard maſs, he drew his ſword, and
held it ere when the prieſt read the Goſpel,
This inſtallation was followed by high feſtivals,
and oftentimes by tournaments. T he great lords
of the fiefs laid a tax on their ſubjects for the day,
on which their children were to enter the order
of knighthood. It was generally at the age of
one and twenty that they received this title ; be-
fore that time they were batchelors, which ſigni-
fied the ſame as bas chevalier, inferior knights, ;
or varlets, and fquires z and the lords who had
entered the confraternity, ſent their children to
one another's houſes, in order to be educated far
from their parents, by the name of varlets, in the
apprenticeſhip of chivalry. |
The time of the cruſades was the period in
which the knights were moſt in vogue. The
feudal lords, who led their vaſſals under their
flag, were called knights bannerets ; not that the
bare title of knight gave them a right to appear
in the held with a flag. It was power only,
and not the ceremony of dubbing, that qualified
them to have troops under their command. They
were bannerets in virtue of their fiefs, and not
of chivalry. This title was only a diſtinc-
tion- introduced by cuſtom, and an honour by
courteſy ; it was never a real dignity in the ſtate,
* Armour for the thighs,
14 An iron glove uſed for defence, and thrown down in chal-
ges.
2 nor
277
Of Chivalry. Ch. Ixxxi},
nor had it ever any influence on the form of go-
vernment. The elections of the emperors and
of kings were not made by knights; there was
no neceſſity of having been dubbed to be admit-
ted into the Imperial diet, into the parliament of
France, or the cortes of Spain. The infeoffments,
the rights of juriſdiction and dependance, the in-
heritances, the laws, every thing in fine that was
eſſential, had no ſort of relation to this ſort of
chivalry. The great privileges of this inſtitution
conſiſted in the bloody ſports called tournaments,
Neither a batchelor, nor a ſquire, generally ſpeak-
ing, were ſuffered to juſtle with a knight,
3 kings themſelves would be armed as
knights, but this gave them no addition of dig-
nity or power; their intent was only to encou—
rage chivalry and valour by their example. The
knights had a great reſpect ſhewn them in ſociety ;
and this was all the advantage they enjoyed.
In proceſs of time, when king Edward III in-
ſtituted the order of the garter; Philip the good,
duke of Burgundy, the order of the Golden-
fleece; and Lewis XI the order of St. Michael,
in the beginning as much reſpected as the other
two, and now ſo ridiculouſly debaſed; then the
ancient chivalry declined, It had no longer any
mark of diſtinction, nor a head that could confer
particular honours or privileges. There were no
longer any knights bannerets, when kings and
great princes had eftabliſhed regular companies
in their armies ; then the ancient chivalry be-
came only an empty name. But it was {till
thought an honour to be dubbed by a great
prince, or by a famous warrior : thoſe lords who
were conſtituted in ſome dignity, added to —
tit
Of Chivalry.
title the quality of knight; and all thoſe who
made profeſſion of arms, aſſumed that of eſquire.
The military orders of knighthood, as the Tem-
plars, the knights of Malta, the Teutonic order,
and ſo many others, are an imitation of the anci-
ent chivalry, which joined the ceremonies of reli-
gion to military duty. But this kind of chivalry
was abſolutely different from the ancient. It pro-
duced the monaſtic military orders, founded by
popes, poſſeſſed of benefices, and bound by the
three monaſtic vows. Of theſe extraordinary or-
ders, ſome have been great conquerors, others
have been ſuppreſſed for their debauchery, and
others ſubſiſt ſtill with dignity.
The Teutonic order was a ſovereign power;
the order of Malta is ſo ſtill, and is likely fo to
continue. |
There is fcarce a prince in Europe, that has
not thought proper to inſtitute an order of knight-
hood. The ſimple title of knight, which the
kings of England confer on private citizens,
without enrolling them in any particular order,
is a derivation from the ancient chivalry, but
very remote from its ſource. Its genuine deſcent
has been preſerved only in the ceremony, by
which the kings of France always confer the
honour of knighthood, on the ambaſſadors ſent
from Venice; and the acco/ade or embracing about
the neck, is the only ceremony preſerved in this
inſtallation.
In the picture here exhibited we ſee a great
variety; and if we would attentively follow the
chain of the ſeveral cuſtoms of Europe fince the
time of Charlemain, in reſpect to government, to
the church, to war, to dignities, to finances, to
ſociety,
279
280
5
Of the feudal government Ch. Ixxxiii.
ſociety, and even to garb and dreſs, we ſhould
find nothing but a perpetual viciſſitude.
0000000000000
CHAP. LXXXIII.
Of the feudal government after Lewis XI, in the
fifteenth century.
O U have ſeen in what manner the anarchy
of Italy, France, and Germany, was turned
into deſpotiſm under Charlemaign ; and how de-
ſpotiſm was ſubverted by anarchy under his de-
ſcendants.
You are ſenſible it is a miſtake to think that
the hefs were not hereditary before the time of
Hugh Capet. Normandy 1s a convincing proof
of the contrary. Bavaria and Aquitain were he-
reditary before Charlemaign : and almoſt all
the fiefs were ſuch in Italy under the Lom-
bard kings. In the reigns of Charles the Fat and
the. Simple, the .great officers, as well as fome
biſhops, aſſumed the rights and prerogatives of
ſovereignty. But there had been always proprie-
tors of large eſtates in land, who were called
Sires in France, Herren in Germany, and Ricos
Hombres * in Spain. There had been alſo ſome
large cities, governed by their own magiſtrates,
as Rome, Milan, Lyons, Rheims, &c, The
limits of the privileges and liberties of thoſe ci-
ties, as well as thoſe of the power or prerogative
of the lords, have been pecpetually ſhifting, Force
* Rich mes
and
nd
after Lewis XI in the 15th century.
and fortune have generally decided theſe ma: ters.
If theſe great officers turned uſurpers, Charle-
maign's father did the ſame, Pepin, grandſon of
Arnold, the preceptor of Dagobert and biſhop of
Mets, ſtripped the race of Clovis. Hugh Capet
dethroned the poſterity of Pepin; and Hugh's
deſcendants could never unite the ſcattered mem-
bers of the ancient monarchy,
The feudal power in France received a mortal
wound from Lewis XI. Ferdinand and Iſabella
were fighting againſt it in Caſtile and Arragon.
In England it made way for a mixt government.
In Poland it ſubſiſted under another form. But
it was in Germany that it preſerved and even
increaſed its vigour. The count de Boulainvil-
liers calls this conſtitution, an effort of the hu-
man nnder/tanding. Loiſeau and other lawyers
ſtile it, a whimfical inſtitution, a headleſs monſter.
That the proprietors of lands ſhould chuſe to
be maſters on their own eſtates, does not ſeem to
be ſuch a mighty effort of genius, but a natural
and- very common effect of reaſon and human
cupidity. From the further extremity of Ruſſia
as far as the mountains of Caſtile, all the great
lords have had the ſame idea, without communi-
cating it to each other: they have been all deſi-
rous that neither their lives nor eftates ſhould
depend on the arbitrary will of a king: againſt
this power they have all aſſociated in every
country ; and yet they have all exerciſed it, as
far as they could, over their own ſubjedts. Thus
was Europe governed for above five hundred
years. This form of adminiſtration was unknown
to the ancient Greeks and Romans: but it is
not odd or whimſical, ſince it is fo generally
eſtas
28r
Of the feudal government Ch. Ixxxili.
eſtabliſhed in Europe. It ſeems unjuſt, inaſmuch
as the major part of mankind are oppreſſed by
the ſmaller ; and a private citizen can never riſe
but by a general confuſion, Under a feudal
government there. are no great cities, no com-
m2rce, no polite arts, The powerful cities in
G-rmany and Flanders, flouriſhed only in con-
ſequence of a ſmall ſhadow of liberty. The
city of Gaunt, for example, as well as Bruges
and Antwerp, were more in the nature of re-
publics under the protection of the dukes of Bur-
gundy, than ſubject to the arbitrary power of
thoſe princes. The ſame may be ſaid of the
Imperial cities.
You have ſeen how the feudal anarchy was
eſtabliſhed in great part of Europe under the
ſucceſſors of Charlemaign. But before his time
there had been a more regular adminiſtration of
fiefs under the Lombard kings in Italy. The
Franks who invaded Gaul, ſhared the ſpoils
with Clovis: hence the count de Boulainvil-
liers inſiſts that the caſtellains or lords of ma-
nors are all ſovereigns in France. But where
is the eſtate whoſe owner can ſay, I am deſcend-
ed from a conqueror of Gaul? And even were
he deſcended in a right line from one of thoſe
ufurpers, would not the cities and the common
people have a better right to reſume their liber-
ties, than this Frank had to enſlave them?
It cannot be ſaid that the feudal] juriſdiction.
was eſtabliſhed in Germany by right of con-
queſt, as in Lombardy and France, No foreign
nation ever made the conqueſt of all Germany ;
and yet of all countries in the world this is the
only one, in which the feudal juriſdictions really
ſublilt.
after Lewis XI in the 15th century.
ſubſiſt. The Boiards of Ruſſia have their ſub-
jets ; but they are ſubjects alſo themſelves, and
do not compoſe a body like the princes of Ger-
many. The khans of Crim Tartary, the princes
of Walachia and Moldavia, are indeed feudal
lords, who depend on the Turkiſh ſultan. But
they may be depoſed by an order of the divan ;
whereas the German princes cannot without a
decree of the whole nation. There is a greater
equality among the nobles of Poland, than among
the proprietors of lands in Germany, and yet
theirs is not a feudal government. There are no
rear-vaſſals in Poland: one noble is not ſubject
to another as in Germany: Poland is an ariſto-
cratical republic, in which the common people
are ſlaves.
In Italy the feudal laws ſubſiſt in a different
manner. All eſtates in Lombardy are reckoned
hefs of the empire, and this occaſions a prodigious
deal of confuſion : for if ever the emperors were
paramounts of thoſe fiefs, it was only as kings
of Italy, and ſucceſſors to thoſe of 2
Now the diet of Ratiſbon ſurely is not ſovereign of
Italy. But what is the conſequence ? The Ger-
manic liberty having prevailed over the Imperial
authority in Germany, and the empire being
grown a diſtinct thing from the emperor, the lords
of Italian fiefs are therefore called the empire's,
but not the emperor's vaſſals. Thus one feudal
adminiſtration is become ſubject to another. The
kingdom of Naples is alſo a different kind of
fief. It is an homage which the ſtrong pays to
the weak; a ceremony kept up by cuſtom.
The feudal juriſdictions prevailed in all parts
of Europe, and yet the laws of fiefs were different
— OB > —_——
283
284
Of the feudal government &c. Ch. Ixxxiii,
in each country. For inſtance, the male branch
of the houſe of Burgundy happens to be extinct,
and Lewis XI thinks himſelf intitled to inherit
that eſtate, If the branch of Saxony or Bavaria
had failed, the emperor would have had no right
to ſeize on theſe provinces. Much leſs could
the pope pretend to ſeize on the kingdom of
Naples, ſhould the reigning houſe be extinct,
"Theſe rights are eſtabliſhed by force, cuſtom,
and compact. And indeed Lewis XI acquired
his by force; for there was ſtill living a prince of
the houſe of Burgundy, namely, the count of
Nevers, a deſcendant of the firſt of his branch,
who was inſtituted duke of Burgundy by king
John ; and yet this prince dared not ſo much as to
claim his right. It was likewiſe a very dubious
caſe, whether Mary of Burgundy, ought not to
have ſucceeded, In the donation of Burgundy by
king John, it is mentioned that the heirs ſhould
ſucceed; and ſurely a daughter is heir,
The queſtion about male and female fiefs, the
right of liege or ſimple homage, the uncertainty
of lords who were vaſſals of two paramounts at
the ſame time ſor different lands, or who were
vaſſals to paramounts that diſputed about the ſu-
preme juriſdiction; theſe and a thouſand other
difficulties gave riſe to thoſe ſuits which the fword
alone could decide, The fortunes of private peo-
ple were ſtill in a worlſe ſituation.
What a ſituation for inſtance muſt it be,
for a huſbandman to be ſubject to a lord, who
is bhimſelf ſubject to another lord, and this hill
dependent on a third! If he has a ſuit, he
muſt go through all theſe courts, and ſpend all
ac has before he can obtain a definitive 8
| | durely
Charles VIII.
Surely it was not the people that ever of their
own choice appointed this form of government,
There is no country worth inhabiting, but where
all orders owe equal obedience to the laws.
IIEIECEE ISEIIIIIIEIEESY
CH AP. LXXXIV.
Of Charles VIII, and the flate of Europe when he
undertook the conqueſt of Naples.
EWIS XI left behind him one ſon, viz.
Charles VIII, a prince only fourteen years
of age, of a feeble conſtitution, and with little
or no education, but poſſeſſed of the moſt pow-
erful kingdom in Europe. He left him alſo
a Civil war, the almoſt inſeparable companion
of minorities. The king indeed was not a
minor according to the Jaw of Charles V; but
he was under age according to the law of nature.
His eldeft fiſter Anne, wife of the duke of Bour-
bon Baujeau, was by her father's will entruſted
with the regency, which ſhe really deſerved. Lewis
duke of Orleans, the firſt prince of the blood,
who was afterwards that very king Lewis XII,
whoſe memory is fo dear to France, began with
ſhewing himſelf the ſcourge of the ſtate, to which
he afterwards behaved himſelf as a father. On
the one hand, his quality of firſt prince of the
blood, fo far from procuring him any ſhare in the
government, did not even give him the prece-
dency over the other peers more ancient than
himſelf. On the other, it always ſeemed very
odd, that a woman, whom the law my
rom
ö
Lo
it
1
419
[i
:
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|
]
i!
bi
5
„
— —— — — —
1488.
1491. tower of Bourges, till Charles VIII went him-
Charles VIII. Ch. Ixxxiv.
from the throne, ſhould rule the ſtate under an-
other name. The duke of Orleans, excited by
ambition (which excites even the moſt virtuous)
engaged in a civil war againſt his ſovereign, in
order to be his guardian.
The parliament of Paris perceived then the in-
fluence which it was likely one day to acquire in
the caſe of minorities. The duke of Orleans
addreſſed himſelf to this court, to obtain a decree
for changing the adminiſtration. The firſt pre-
ſident, La Vaquerie, made anſwer that neither
the finances, nor the adminiſtration of the realm,
were points that belonged to the juriſdiction of
the parliament, but to the States general, whom
the court of parliament does not repreſent.
By this anſwer it appears that Paris was then
quiet, and that the parliament was in the in-
tereſt of madame de Beaujeu. The civil war
was carried on in the provinces, and eſpecially in
Britany, where the old duke Francis II ſided
with the duke of Orleans. At length both par-
ties came to an engagement near St. Aubin in
Britany. Here we are to obſerve, that in the
duke of Orleans's army there were four or five
hundred Engliſh, notwithſtanding the troubles
with which their own country was at that time
exhauſted. Whenever an opportunity offers of
attacking France, the Engliſh are ſeldom neuter.
Lewis de la Trimouille, a great general, defeat-
ed the rebels, and took their chief the duke of
Orleans priſoner, who was afterwards his ſove-
reign. We may reckon him the third of the
Capetian kings taken in battle, but not the laſt.
The duke was confined near three years in the
ſelf
ww TW Bn »-
Charles VIII.
felf in perſon to ſet him at liberty. The French
at that time muſt have been a more humane
people than the Engliſh, who amidſt the diſtrac-
tions of civil war, generally put their priſoners
to death by the hands of the executioner “.
The peace and grandeur of France were ce-
mented by the marriage of Charles VIII, who at
length compelled the old duke of Britany to give
him his daughter and his dominions. The prin-
ceſs Anne of Britany, one of the fineſt women
in her time, was in love with the duke of Or-
leans, who ſtill had youth on his fide, and was
withal a moſt graceful perſon. Thus by this
civil war he loſt both his liberty and his miſtreſs.
In Europe the marriages of princes frequent!
decide the fate of nations. King Charles VIII,
'who in his father's life-time might have married
Mary the heireſs of the houſe of Burgundy, had
it ſill in his power to marry the daughter of
this Mary, and of Maximilian king of the Ro-
mans; and Maximilian on his fide, the widower
of Mary of Burgundy, had good reaſon to flatter
himſelf with the hopes of obtaining princels
Anne of Britany. He had actually married her
by proxy ; and the count of Naſſau had in the
name of the king of the Romans put one leg
into the princeſs's bed, according to the cuſtom
of thoſe times. But this did not hinder the king
of France from concluding his marriage. He
obtained the princeſs, and for her portion Bri-
tany, which was afterwards reduced to a pro-
vince of France.
This kingdom was then at its higheſt pitch of
glory ; and indeed nothing but the great number
See chapter XCIV,
of
287
288
Charles VIII. Ch. Ixxxiv.
of miſtakes its princes committed, could have
hindered them from being the arbiters of Eu-
rope.
You may remember how the laſt count of Pro-
vence bequeathed that country by will to Lewis
XI. This count, in whom ended the houſe of
Anjou, took the title of king of the two Sicilies,
which his family had long fince loft; a title
which he conveyed to Lewis XI, at the ſame
time that he made him a real donation of Pro-
vence. Charles VIII, reſolving not to wear an
empty title, ſoon prepared every thing neceſſary
for the conqueſt of Naples, and to eftabliſh his
dominion in Italy. We muſt take a view of the
ftate of Europe at the time when theſe events
happened, wiz. towards the end of the fifteenth
century.
KAAKAAAAKKKKKKKKKEK
CHAP. LXXXV.
State of Europe at the end of the fifteenth century,
HE emperor Frederick III, of the houſe
of Auſtria, was lately dead: he left the
1493. empire to his fon Maximilian, who had been
choſen king of the Romans in his father's life-
time. But theſe kings of the Romans had no
longer any power in Italy; the authority they
had in Germany was no greater than that of the
doge at Venice; and, upon the whole, the houſe
of Auſtria was far from being formidable. In
vain do they ſtill ſhew the following epitaph 4.
Vienna:
wule
the
cen
life⸗
no
they
the
ouſe
In
h at
nna-
Europe in the 15th century.
Vienna : here lies the pious, the auguſt emperor
Frederick III. ſovereign of Chriſtendom, king of
Hungary, Dalmatia, Croatia, archduke of Auſtria,
&c. it only ſhews the vanity of inſcriptions. He
never poſſeſſed any thing belonging to Hungary,
except the crown adorned with ſome jewels,
which he always kept in his cabinet, refuling to
ſend them either to his pupil Ladiſlaus, who was
king of that country, or to thoſe who were af-
terwards choſen by the Hungarians, and who
fought againſt the Turks. He was hardly maſter
of one half of the province of Auſtria ; his cou-
ſins had the reſt; and as to the title of ſovereign
of Chriſtendom, it is eaſy to ſee whether he de-
ſerved it. His ſon Maximilian had, beſides his
father's demeſnes, the adminiſtration of the ter 4
ritories belonging to his wife Mary of Burgundy,
in the name of his ſon Philip the Handſome.
Every one knows that he was called Maſſimiliano
pochi danari, Maximilian with little money; a ſur-
name that did not at all prove him to have been
a powerful prince.
England had been almoſt laid waſte by the
long civil wars between the white and red roſes,
as we ſhall preſently relate more at large; but
now it was beginning to recover itſelf a little un-
der king Henry VII, who, after the exaraple of
Lewis XI, humbled the barons, and raiſed the
commons, |
Vol. II. 1 of
289
Of Spain. Ch. lxxxy.
Of SPAIN.
Of the unfortunate reign of Henry IV 5 ſurnamed
the Impotent. Of Iſabella and Ferdinand. The
raking of Granada. The Fews and Moors per-
ſecuted.
N Spain the Chriſtian princes had been con-
ſtantly divided. The race of Henry Tran-
ſtamare, a baſtard and uſurper (ſince we muſt
call things by their right name) was ſtill upon
the throne of Caſtile, when an uſurpation of a
more extraordinary kind gave riſe to the Spaniſh
grandeur.
-
Henry IV, one of the deſcendants of Tran-
ſtamare, who began his unhappy reign in 1454,
was a voluptuous prince, Never was there a
court entirely abandoned to debauchery, which
did not experience ſome revolution, or was not
at leaſt diſturbed by inſurrections. His wife
Donna Juana, whom I thus diſtinguiſh both
from her daughter Joan, and from the other
princeſſes of that name, was daughter of a
king of Portugal, but of ſo abandoned a cha-
racter that ſhe carried on her amours without
any ſort of diſguiſe. Few women ever had leſs
regard for decorum in their -intrigues, King
Henry IV paſſed his days with his wife's gal-
lants, and theſe did the ſame with the king's
miſtreſſes. Thus the court ſet the nation an
example of the greateſt licentiouſneſs. By this
unhappy conduct the government was ſo weak-
ened, that the malecontents, who are generally
the moſt numerous at all times and in all coun-
* tries,
Of Spain.
tries, grew to be a formidable party in Caſtile.
This kingdom had the ſame form of govern-
ment as that which long obtained in France,
England, Germany, and the ſeveral monarchies
of Europe. The vaſlals fhared the ſupreme au-
thority. The biſhops were not ſovereign princes
as in Germany ; but they were lords, and great
vaſſals, as in France. |
An archbiſhop of Toledo, whoſe name was
291
Carillo, and ſeveral other prelates, headed the
faction againſt the king. The ſame diſorders
broke out in Spain as had afflicted France in the
reign of Lewis the Debonnair, as diſturbed the
peace of Germany under ſo many emperors, and
as we ſhall ſee revived in France at the time of
Henry III, and as ſpread deſolation through Great
Britain in-the reign of Charles I.
The rebels growing powerful, depoſed their 1465.
king in effigy, Never was the like ceremony
thought of before. A great ſtage was erected
on the plains of Avila: and on this ſtage was
placed a ſtatue of wood, repreſenting don
Henry in his royal robes. The archbiſhop of
Toledo {tripped him of his crown, another of his
ſword, another of his ſceptre, and a younger
brother of Henry, named Alfonſo, was declared
king on the ſame ſpot. This farce was attend-
ed with all the horrors of civil war. Theſe
troubles did not end at the death of the young
prince, to whom the conſpirators conveyed the
crown, At the very time that the king lived, as
it were, in a ſeraglio, the archbiſhop and his
party declared him impotent; and by a moſt ex-
traordinary method of proceeding, they deter-
O 2 mined
"IF >. * 9 —_—
ay ” — .
r
— - py
* +
— R
— —— —
— wrt —
292
Of Spain, Ch. Ixxxy,
mined that his daughter Joan was a baſtard, and
born 1n adultery,
Among the grandees ſeveral pretended to the re-
gal dignity : but the rebels reſolved to acknowledge
Iſabella, the King's ſiſter, and only ſeventeen years
oid, for their ſovereign, ſooner than ſubmit to
any of their equals; preferring rather to weaken
the ſtate in the name of a young princeſs, who,
as yet, had neither authority nor influence, than
to chule themſelves a maſter,
The archbiſhop having therefore levied war
againſt his king, in the infant's name, continued
ic in the name of the infanta; ſo that the king
had no other way to extricate himſelf from his
1468,
1469.
troubles, and to continue upon the throne, than
by concluding one of the moſt ignominious trea-
ties that ever was ſigned by a ſovereign, He
acknowledged his filter Iſabella as his only legi-
timate heir, contrary to the rights of his daugh-
ter Joan; and upon this condition the rebels leſt
him the name of a king. |
In order to accompliſh their deſign, it was in-
cumbent upon them to chuſe ſuch a huſband for
Ifabella, as ſhould be able to ſupport her cauſe.
They caſt their eye on Ferdinand, heir apparent
to the crown of Arragon, a prince nearly of the
ſame age as Iſabella, The archbiſhop married
them privately ; and this marriage, though con-
cluded under ſuch unfavourable auſpices, proved
the foundation of the Spaniſh greatneſs. At firſt
it created diſſenſions, civil broils, fraudulent con-
ventions, and falſe reconciliations, which are pro-
ductive of greater hatred, After one of theſe
treaties of reconciliation, Henry was ſeized with
4 2 vo-
— — —_—_ «c G 1
Of Spain.
a violent illneſs, at an entertainment to which he
had been invited by ſome of his late enemies, and 1474.
he died very ſoon after,
In vain did he leave his kingdom at his death
to his daughter Joan; in vain did he ſwear that
ſhe was his lawful iſſue ; neither his oath upon
his death-bed, nor his wife's oath, could prevail
againſt Iſabella, and Ferdinand, ſurnamed after-
wards the Catholic, king of Arragon and Si—
cily. They lived together, not like two mar-
ried perſons, whole goods are common to each
other under the direction of the hu{band ; but
as two monarchs itrictly allied in ffiendſhip.
They neither loved, nor hated each other ;
they met but ſeldom ; they had their privy coun-
cils ſeparate; they often entertaiued a mutual
jealouſy in regard to the adminiſtration, though
the queen was more jealous on account of the 1n-
fidelity of her huſband, who filled all the great
offices of ſtate with his baſtards. However, they
were inſeparably united in regard to their
intereſts, acting conitantly on the ſame princi-
ples, having ever the words religion and piety in
their mouths, while their hearts were intirel
actuated by ambition. Joan, the right heireſs of
Caſtile, was not able to withſtand their joint
forces. Her uncle don Alfonſo, king of Portu-
gal, took up arms in favour of his niece, whom
he intended to marry. But the concluſion of
all theſe efforts and troubles, was that the un-
happy princeſs, who had been deſigned for a
throne, was condemned to ſpend the remainder 1479.
of her days in a monaſtery,
Never was injuſtice more ſucceſsful, nor more
artfully coloured by the reſolute and prudent con-
93 duct
294
1491.
Of Spain. Ch. Ixxxv.
duct of the uſurpers. Iſabella and Ferdinand
formed ſuch a power as Spain had never beheld
ſince the re- eſtabliſhment of Chriſtianity, The
Mahometan Arabians had only the kingdom of
Granada, ſo that they were juſt upon the brink
of ruin in this part of Europe, while the Tur—
kiſh Mahometans ſeemed likely to ſubdue the
other. The Chriſtians had loſt Spain by their
diviſions in the beginning of the eighth century ;
and the ſame cauſe drove the Moors at length out
of this kingdom,
Boabdilla, nephew to Alboacen king of Gra-
nada, had rebelled againſt his uncle. Ferdinand
the Catholic laid hold of this opportunity of fo-
menting the civil war, and of ſupporting the ne-
phew againſt the uncle, in order to weaken both
parties. Soon after the death of Alboacen, he
attacked his ally Boabdilla with the joint forces
of Caſtile and Arragon, His arms were ſix years
employed in the conqueſt of the Mahometan
kingdom. At length he beſieged Granada; the
liege laſted eight months, and Iſabella went thi-
ther in perſon to enjoy the triumph. King Bo-
abdilla ſurrendered on ſuch conditions as ſhewed
that he was ftill able to make a defence, For
it was ſtipulated that the Spaniards ſhould neither
meddle with the goods, nor with the laws, liber-
ty, nor religion of the Moors; that even their
priſoners ſhould be returned without ranſom ;
and that the Jews included in the treaty ſhould
enjoy the ſame privileges. Upon theſe conditions
Boabdilla marched out of his capital, and deli-
vered up the keys to Ferdinand and Iſabella, who
for the laſt time treated him as a king.
Cotem-
TW 0
1 aw *
flo woe = „ . FY bo & ee o& GD Ho©
ken
-
Of Spain.
Cotemporary writers make mention that this
prince ſhed tears as he turned his face towards
the walls of Granada; a city built near 500 years
before by the Mahometans ; a city populous,
and abounding in riches ; a city, in ſhort, adorn-
ed with that vaſt palace of the Mooriſh kings, in
which were the fineſt baths in Europe, and whoſe
numerous halls, with arched roofs, were ſupport -
ed by a hundred columns of alabafter. The lux-
ury which he ſo much regretted, was probably
the cauſe of his ruin: to conclude the ſcene, he
went and ended his days in Africa.
Ferdinand was conſidered in Europe as the a-
yenger of the cauſe of religion, and the deliverer
of his country, From that time he was called
king of Spain; and indeed being maſter of Ca-
ſtile in right of his wife, of Granada by con-
queſt, and of Arragon by birth, he wanted only
Navarre, which he afterwards invaded. He had
1 — diſputes with France about Cerdagne and
ouſſillon, which had been mortgaged to Lewis
XI. It is eaſy to judge, whether as king of Si-
cily, he did not look with a jealous eye on the
preparations which Charles the VIIIth was mak-
ing for his expedition into Italy, in order to diſ-
poſſeſs the houſe of Arragon, at that time eſta-
bliſhed on the throne of Naples.
We ſhall ſoon ſee the effects of ſo natural a
jealouſy. But before we conſider the quarrels of
kings, you chuſe to obſerve the fate of the peo-
ple. Vou ſee that Ferdinand and Iſabella did
not find Spain in the ſtate it was afterwards un-
der Charles V and Philip II. This mixture of
ancient Viſigoths, Vandals, Africans, Jewe, and
Aborigines, had laid waſte the country about
04 which
296
Spain in the 15th century. Ch. Ixxxv.
which they conteſted; it grew fruitful only in
the hands of Mahometans. When the Moors
were ſubdued, they tilled the land for their con-
querors, ſo that the Spaniſh Chriſtians ſubſiſted
intirely by the labour of their ancient enemies.
Thoſe Chriſtians had no manufactures, no com-
merce ; they had but very little of the conveni-
ences of life, hardly any furniture in their houſes,
no inns upon the great roads, no accommodations
in the towns; they were long ſtrangers to fine
linen ; and even coarſe linen was very ſcarce.
All their foreign and inland trade was carried
on by Jews, who were grown neceſlary to a na-
tion that underſtood nothing but the military art.
When an inquiry was ſet on foot towards the
end of the fourteenth century, that is, in 1492,
into the cauſe of the miſery of Spain, it was
found that the Jews had drawn all the money
of the country into their own hands by trade
and uſury. They reckoned in Spain above a
hundred and fifty thouſand of that odious but
neceſſary race, Several of the grandees who had
nothing left but their titles, married into Jewiſh
families, to retrieve the loſſes occaſioned by their
former extravagance : and this they did ſo much
the eaſier, as it had been long uſual for the Moors
and Chriſtians to intermarry. It was debated in
the council of Ferdinand and Iſabella, in what
manner they ſhould free themſelves from the
ſilent tyranny of the Jews, after having ſhaken
off the yoke of the Arabian conquerors, At
length the reſolution was taken in 1492, to ſtrip
ard baniſh them. They were allowed only ux
month» to diſpoſe of tueu effects, which they
| were
Jews and Moors.
were obliged to ſell at an undervalue. They were
forbid upon pain of death, to carry away either
old, ſilver, or precious ſtones. Thirty thouſand
Jewiſh families withdrew from Spain ; this makes
a hundred and fifty thouſand fouls, reckoning five
to a family. Some paſſed over to Africa, others
retired to R and France, and ſeveral went
back, pretending to embrace Chriſtianity. I hey
had been exiled, in order to take poſſeſſion of
their riches ; they were received again, becauſe
they brought riches with them : and it is chiefly
againſt them that the tribunal of the —
was erected, to the end that upon exerciſing the
leaſt act of their religion, they might be juridi-
cally ſtript of their property and lives. Not ſo do
the Indians treat the Banians, who are exactly
upon the ſame footing there as the Jews in Eu-
rope, ſeparated from all nations by a religion as
ancient as the annals of the world, united with
them by the neceſſity of commerce, in which
they act as factors, and as rich as the Jews in our
part of the globe. Theſe Banians are neither
hated by Mahometans, Chriſtians, nor Pagans;
but the Jews are held in deteſtation by all na-
tions whatever. Some Spaniſh writers pretend,
that theſe people were grown formidable. They
were dangerous indeed by the uſury, which they
extorted of the Spaniards; but as they were not
trained to war, there was no reaſon to be afraid
of them. The Spaniards pretended alſo to be
alarmed at the vain notions, which theſe people
had of being ſettled on the ſouthern coaſts of this
kingdom, long before the profeſſion of Chriſti—
anity, It is true they had been in Andaluſia
time immemorial, This truth they enveloped
O 5 with
Jets ard Moors, Ch. Ixxxv.
with ridicutous fables, ſuch as have been always
vended among this nation, the ſenſible part of
whom apply themfelves wholly to trade, while
prieſtcraft is left to thoſe who can do no better.
The Spaniſh rabbies had writ a great deal, to
prove that a eolony of Jews flouriſhed on this
coaſt at the time of Solomon, and that the an-
cient Betica was tributary to this third king of
Paleſtine. They had recourſe to counterfeit me-
dals, and forged inſcriptions. This kind of
knavery, together with other more eſſential ac-
cuſations, contributed not a little to precipitate
their ruin.
Ever fince that time the Spaniards have made
2 diſtinction betwixt the old and new Chriſtians,
between the families that intermarried with Ma-
hometan or Jewiſh women.
Yet the government made but a ſhort advan-
tage of the oppreſſion of this nation of ufurers ;
for they ſoon felt the want of the revenue
which the Jews uſed to pay to the exchequer.
The difference continued to be ſenſible, till they
came to collect the treaſures of the new world.
They redreſſed the evil as well as they could by
pontifical bulls. That of the cruſade, which was
granted by Julius II in 1509 produced more to
the government than the tax upon Jews. Ever
body is obliged to purchaſe this bull, in order that
he may be intitled to eat fleſh in Lent, and on Fri-
days and Saturdays throughout the year. They who
go to confeſſion cannot receive abſolution with-
out ſhewing this bull to the prieſt. They have
ſince invented the bull of compoſition, in virtue of
which you are permitted to keep ſtolen goods,
provided you don't know the owner of them. Su-
perſtitions
BE. v ot es od
Fews and Moors.
perſtitions of this kind are as rank as thoſe with
which the Jews are charged. Folly and vice
contribute every where to the public revenue.
The form of abſolution granted to thoſe who
purchaſe the bull, is not unworthy of a place in
this general view of the cuſtoms and manners of
mankind : by the authority of almighty God, of St.
Peter and St. Paul, and of our holy father the pope,
to me committed, I grant you remiſſion. of all your
fins confeſſed, forgotten, and uninown ;. as alſo of
the pains of purgatory. |
Gen Iſabella, or rather cardinal Ximenez,
treated the Mahometans afterwards in the ſame
manner as the Jews: a great number of them
were forced to turn Chriſtians, notwithſtanding
the capitulation of Granada; and if they returned
to their own religion, they were burnt. As many
Mahometans as Jews took ſhelter in Africa, and
yet no body could pity thoſe Arabs who had kept
Spain ſo long in ſubjection, nor thoſe Jews wh
had fo long plundered the kingdom. 10
The Portugueſe were at this time emerging
from obſcurity; and notwithſtanding the general
ignorance which then prevailed, they began to
deſerve a glory as laſting as the world itſelf, by
. the change of univerſal commerce, which was
ſoon the fruit of their diſcoveries, They were
the firſt of the European nations that navigated
the Atlantic ocean. The paſſage round the cape
of Good Hope they found it by themſelves ;
whereas Spain owed the diſcovery of America to
foreigners. But it is to one man only, to the
infant don Henry, that the Portugueſe are in-
debted for this undertaking, againſt which they
murmured in the beginning. Never was there a
| O great,
300
Of Lal. Ch. Ixxxv.
great, or noble enterprize in any part of the world,
but what was the work of ſome one perſon ot
genius and reſolution, who had courage to oppoſe
the prejudices of the vulgar.
Portugal was ſo taken up with her great naval
expeditions, and with her ſucceſſes in Africa;
that ſhe did not concern herſclf in the affairs of
Italy, which engroſſed the attention of the reſt
of Europe.
Of Itah.
Shall give here a ſhort view of the different
1 powers of Italy, of their intereſts and cuſ-
toms, from the mountains of Dauphinè to the
kingdom of Naples.
he ſtate of Savoy was not ſo extenſive as at
preſent; it neither had Montferrat nor Saluzzo;
it wanted money and trade, nor was it Iooked
upon as a barrier. Its princes were attached to
the houſe of France, who lately had diſpoſed of
that government in their minority; and the paſ-
ſage of the Alps was open.
From Piedmont we deſcend into the dukedom
of Milan, the moſt fertile part of citerior Italy.
This was like Savoy, a principality of the em-
pire, but a powerful principality, independent at
that time of a weak empire. The dukedom of
Milan, after having belonged to the family of the
Viſcontis, had ſubmitted to the laws of the baſtard
of a peaſant, a great man, and ſon of a great
man. This peaſant was Francis Sforza, who by
his merit roſe to be conſtable of Naples, and to
have a conſiderable power in Italy. His ſon, the
baſtard, had been one of thoſe Condottieri *, who
* Chief of a diſciplined gang of robbers,
| uſed
Of Tah.
uſed to let themſelves out for hire to the pope, to
the Venetians, and Neapolitans. He had taken Mi-
lan towards the middle of the fifteenth century, and
afterwards made himſelf maſter of Genoa, which
had formerly been ſo flouriſhing a republic, and
which, after having waged war nine different times
againſt Venice, was now perpetually changing
maſters. The Genoeſe had ſurrendered them-
ſelves to the French in the reign of Charles VI,
and ſoon after they revolted. They ſubmitted
afterwards to the yoke of Charles VII in 1448,
and ſhook that off alſo. They offered themſelves
to Lewis XI, who anſwered, that they might
give themſelves to the devil, but for his part he
would have nothing to ſay to them. Then they
were obliged, in 1464, to yield themſelves up to
this duke of Milan, Francis Sforza.
|. Galeazzo Sforza, this baſtard's ſon, was mur- 1476.
dered in the cathedral of Milan on St. Stephen's
day. I mention this circumſtance, which in
other reſpects would be frivolous, but here is of
great importance. The murderers prayed to
t, Stephen and to St. Ambroſe with a loud voice,
to give them courage to aſſaſſinate their ſovereign.
Poiſoning, aſſaſſination, and ſuperſtition, formed
at that time the characteriſtic of the people of
| Italy. They knew how to take their revenge,
but ſeldom how to fight. They had a great
| many murderers, and but few ſoldiers. The ſon
of this unfortunate Galeazzo Maria, yet an in-
fant, ſucceeded to the dukedom of Milan under
the tutelage of his mother, and of the chancellor
Simonetta. But his uncle, whom we call Lewis
dforza, or Lewis the Moor, drove away the
| mother,
| \
—: - -
3
+a
1
5 2
ul
*
! Cl
*Y
8 0
5%
4 %
N.
N
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„
. Ti. — Ae.
4o2
Of Italy. Ch. Ixxxv.
mother, murdered the chancellor, and ſoon after
poiſoned his *
It was this Lewis the Moor that negotiated
with Charles the VIIIth, to make a deſcent into
1464.
Italy.
N a leſs fruitful country, was, in re-
gard to the dukedom of Milan, the ſame as Attica
compared to Bœotia. It was now a century
ſince Florence had begun to ſignalize itſelf, as
we have ſeen, by its commerce, and by the libe-
ral arts. The Medicis were at the head of this
polite nation. Never was there a family in the
univerſe that attained to power by ſo juſt a
title, that of virtue and beneficence. Coſmo de
Medicis, who was born in 1389, lived as a pri-
vate citizen of Florence, without ſeeking any
great titles ; but by commerce he acquired ſuch
wealth as might be compared to that of the
greateſt kings in his time, The uſe he made
of his riches, was to relieve the poor, to create
friends among the rich by lending them money,
to embelliſh his country with fine ſtructures, and
to invite to Florence the learned Greeks who
had been driven from Conſtantinople. During
the ſpace of thirty years his counſels directed
the republic ; while his only, and indeed moſt
effectual, intrigues, were acts of benevolence.
After his deceaſe it appeared by his accounts that
he had lent vaſt ſums to his countrymen, whom
he never aſked to pay him again. He died la-
mented even by his enemies, and Florence with
one conſent adorned his tomb with the title of
father of his country, a title which not one of
the kings who have gone before us in review,
could ever obtain, |
His
Europe in the 15th century.
His reputation gained his deſcendants the prin-
cipal authority in "Tuſcany. His ſon governed
the republic under the name of Gonfalonier; his
two grandſons, Laurence and Julian, obtained
the ſovereignty, but were aſſaſſinated in a church
by conſpirators, at the very elevation of the hoſt.
303
Julian died of his wounds, but Laurence recover- 1473.
ed. The Florentines reſembled the Athenians very
much in government, as well as genius. Some-
times it was an ariſtocracy, at other times a de-
mocracy, but nothing did they fear fo much as
tyranny.
Coſmo de Medicis might be compared to Piſi-
ſtratus, who, notwithſtanding his power, was
ranked among the ſages of Greece. The ſons of
this Coſmo met with the ſame fate as the children
of Piſiſtratus, who were aſſaſſinated by Harmo-
nius and Ariſtogiton. Laurence eſcaped from the
murderers in the ſame manner as one of the ſons
of Piſiſtratus; and, like him alſo, he revenged
his brother's death. But there is one circumſtance
in this tragical affair at Florence, which we do
not find in that of Athens; namely, that the re-
ligious chiefs entered into this bloody conſpiracy,
Pope Sixtus LV laid the deſign, and the archbiſhop
of Piſa fomented it.
The Florentines put the citizens concerned in
it to death; and the archbiſhop himſelf was hung
from the window of the public palace. Laurence
had thus the ſatisfaction of ſeeing his cauſe re-
venged by his fellow citizens, whoſe affection he
preſerved the remainder of his life, He was ſur-
named the father of the muſes, a title not equi-
valent to that of father of his country, but which
gives
304
Europe in the 15th century. Ch. Ixxxv.
gives to underſtand that ke was ſuch in effect.
hat an amazing ſpectacle, and how contrary
to the manners of our times |! to ſee a citizen
engaged in commerce, with one hand ſelling the
commodities of the Levant, and with the other
ſupporting the burden of the republic ; maintain-
ing factors, and receiving ambaſladors; oppoſing
the pope, making war and peace, giving counſel
to princes, cultivating the belles lettres, exhibit-
ing public ſpectacles to the people, and affording
ſhelter to the learned Greeks of Conſtantinople,
His ſon Peter had the chief authority in Florence
at the time of the expedition of the French, but
with leſs credit than his predeceſſors and his po-
ſterity.
Of the eccleſiaſtic fate.
HE eccleſiaſtic ſtate was not ſo extenſive
as at preſent; much leſs what it ſhould
have been, had the court of Rome availed itſelf
of the donations which Charlemaign is ſuppoſed
to have made, or of thoſe which were really made
by the counteſs Matilda. The houſe of Gonzaga
was in poſſeſſion of Mantua, for which it paid
homage to the empire. Several lords, under the
name of vicars of the empire, or of the church,
1457,
enjoyed very fine eftates, which are now in the
hands of the pope. Perugia belonged to the houſe
of Bailloni ; the Bentivoglios had Bologna ; the
Polentini Ravenna; the Manfredi Faenza; the
Sforzas Pezaro; the Rimarios poſſeſſed Imola
and Forli; the houſe of Eſte had long reigned in
Ferrara, and the Pics at Mirandola. The —
barons were likewiſe very powerful at Rome, fo
as to be called the pope's manacles. The Co-
; lonnas
os £m Ts 2. a 7 @4l ef; i,
Eccleſiaſtic ſtate.
lonnas and the Urſini, the Conti, and the Savelli,
firſt barons and ancient proprietors of the moſt
conſiderable demeſnes, revaged the Roman ſtate
by their continual quarrels, like theſe great lords
who waged war againſt each other in France,
and in Germany, during the weakneſs of theſe
governments. The people of Rome, though aſſi-
duous at proceſſions, and continually importuning
their popes for plenary indulgences, uſed to riſe
up in arms at their death, to plunder their pa-
laces, and to be ready to throw their bodies into
the Tiber. This is what actually happened at the
death of Innocent VIII.
After him was choſen Roderigo Borgia, a Spa-
niard, who took the name of Alexander VI, a
man whoſe memory had been rendered execrable
by the cries of all Europe, and by the pens of
all hiſtorians. The proteſtants who, in = fol-
lowing centuries, revolted againſt the church,
have ſwelled the accuſation ; we ſhall ſee pre-
ſently whether they have over-rated the meaſure
of his iniquities. The circumſtances of his ex-
altation to the pontificate clearly ſhew us the
manner and ſpirit of his age, which bears no ſort
of reſemblance to ours. The cardinals knew
that he had five children living, by carnal con-
verſation with Vanoza. They muſt have fore-
ſeen, that the riches, the honours, and the autho-
rity of the eccleſiaſtical ſtatz would center in this
family; yet they choſe him for their maſter.
The heads of the factions in the conclave ſold
their own intereſts, together with thoſe of Italy,
tor a triſle of money. |
Of
395
l
|
|
|
— —ä4— .. Ü ͤ· ¶ —([—(I—ʒ̃ j— ́M BVOꝙ . OSIRIS En ——-— ͤ w——— —
Of Venice. Ch. Ixxxv.
07 Venice.
HE dominions of Venice extended from
the banks of the lake of Como on the con-
tinent, to the middle of Dalmatia. The Turks
had ſtripped this republic of almoſt all the terri-
tories, which ſhe had formerly wreſted from the
Chriſtian emperors in Greece; yet ſhe till kept
poſſeſſion of the great iſle of Candia, and had ap-
propriated to herſelf the iſle of Cyprus, in 1437,
by the donation of the laſt queen, daughter of
Marco Cornaro, a Venetian nobleman. But the
city of Venice alone was, by her induſtry, equi-
valent to Candia and to Cyprus, and to all her
territories on the continent. The wealth of other
nations was conveyed to this capital, by the ſeve-
ral chanels of commerce : all the Italian princes
were afraid of Venice, while ſhe ſeemed to dread
the irruption of the French.
Of all the ſtates in Europe, that of Venice
was the only regular and uniform government. It
had but one radical defect, which was not indeed
a defect in the eye of the ſenate: a counterpoiſe
was wanting to the power of the Patricians, and
encouragement to the Plebeians. Never could a
private citizen raiſe himſelf * his merit in Ve-
nice, as in ancient Rome. he beauty of the
Engliſh conſtitution, ſince the commons have had
a ſhare in the legiſlature, conſiſts in this very
counterpoiſe; the road being ever open to prefer-
ments, for thoſe who deſerve it.
of
* ” amy
0
of
Of Naples,
Of Naples.
S to the Neapolitans, a weak, reſtleſs na-
tion, incapable of governing themſelves,
of chuſing a king, or of bearing with the prince
upon the throne, they were ready to be a prey
to the firſt invader.
The old king Fernando was ſtill upon the
throne of Naples: he was a baſtard of the houſe
of Arragon ; but 1 at that time did not
exclude from the crown. It was a baſtard race
that reigned in Caſtile; it was likewiſe the baſ-
tard race of don Pedro the Severe, that ſat upon
the throne of Portugal. Fernando, who had no
other title to the crown of Naples, received the
inveſtiture from the pope, in prejudice to the heirs
of the houſe of Anjou, who laid claim to that
kingdom. But he was neither beloved by the
pope his lord paramount, nor by his ſubjects,
e died in 1494, leaving an unfortunate family
behind him, whom Charles VIII deprived of a
crown, which he could not.keep ; and whom he
was ſorry to have perſecuted,
SHSSOSSSSSSSSSSDSS0DS *
CHAP. LXXXVI.
Of the conqueſt of Naples. Of Zizim, brether 0
Bajazet II. Of pope Alexander VI, &c. 4
O intoxicated were Charles VIII, his coun-
J cil, and his young courtiers, with the pro
ject of conquering the kingdom of Naples, th
at
307
308
1404.
Conqueſt of Naples. Ch. Ixxxvi.
he ſurrendered Franche-Comte and Artois, part
of his wife's ſpoils, to Maximilian; and reſtored
Cerdagne and Rouſſillon to Ferdinand the Ca-
tholic, to whom he likewiſe paid a debt of three
hundred thouſand crowns, on condition that he
would not interrupt his expedition, He did not
reflect that twelve villages contiguous to a ſtate,
are of more vaJue than a kingdom four hundred
leagues from home. He committed likewiſe
another error, which was truſting the Catholic
king.
At length Charles made a deſcent into Traly :
his whole army conſiſted of ſixteen hundred gend-
armes, who, with their bowmen, compoſed a bo-
dy of five thouſand horſe heavily armed, two hun-
dred gentlemen of his life-guard, five hundred
light horſe, ſix thouſand French infantry, and fix
thouſand Swiſs: ſo ill was he provided with mo-
ney, that he was obliged to borrow ſome on the
road, and to pledge the jewels lent him by the
dutcheſs of Savoy. Yet his march ſpread terror
and ſubmiſſion through the country. The Ita-
lians, who had been acquainted 2 with ſmall
culverines of copper drawn by oxen, were ſur-
prized to ſee the heavy artillery drawn by horſes,
The Italian cavalry was compoſed of a ſet of
bravoes, who let themſelves out at a very extra-
vagant price to the Condottieri, and theſe obliged
the ſeveral princes to pay ſtill at a much dearer
rate for their ſervice, Theſe captains took par-
ticular names to frighten the populace. One was
called Cut-thigh, another Arm-/flrong, another
Hawockh, &c. They were greatly afraid of loſing
their men ; for which reaſon they ſtrove to bear
the enemy down with their weight, but oy
Conqueſt of Naples.
| dom choſe to come to blows. Thoſe who loſt,
| the field, were vanquiſhed. There was more
blood ſpilt in private quarrels, and in conſpira-
cies within the town walls, than in engagements
in the field, Machiavel relates, that in a battie
fought in thoſe days, only one trooper loſt his
life, who was ſuffocated in the croud.
They were all now frightened at the thoughts
of a war, in which there muſt be downright
fighting; fo that none of them durſt lift up their
: heads, Pope Alexander VI, the Venetians, and
X Lewis the Moor, duke of Milan, who had in-
: vited the king into Italy, wanted to traverſe his
deſigns as ſoon as he arrived. Peter de Medicis,
p who had been obliged to ſue for his protection,
was, for this very reaſon, expelled the republic:
10 he retired to Venice, from whence he durſt not
= a f 3 : f
tir, notwithſtanding the king's protection, being
2 more afraid of the private revenge of his country -
50 men, than confident of being ſupported by the
5 French.
11 Charles enters Florence in triumph ; whence
- he proceeds to Sienna, which he frees from the
N yoke of the Tuſcans, who ſoon after reduced it
of to its former ſubjection. From thence he marches
3 on to Rome, where Alexander VI was negotiat-
ed ng in vain againſt him. Here he makes his pub-
_ lic entrance like a conqueror. The pope flies to
the caſtle of St. Angelo, but ſeeing the French
= artillery pointed againſt thoſe weak walls, he
ſubmits, | |
It coſt the pope little more than a cardinal's hat 1494. 1
to pacify the king. Briſſonet, who, from a pre- ''
ſident of the accompts was become an archbiſhop, g
adyiſed the king to this accommodation, which
pro-
310 Conqueſt of Naples. Ch. Ixxxvi.
procured him the purple. Kings are often well
ſerved by cardinals, but very ſeldom by thoſe who
aſpire to this dignity. The king's confeſſor took
part in the intrigue, It was Charles's intereſt to
depoſe Alexander ; but he forgave him, and repent-
ed it afterwards. Never was there a pope more
deſerving of the indignation of a Chriſtian king.
The Venetians and he had addreſſed themſelves
to the Turkiſh ſultan Bajazet II, fon and ſucceſſor
of Mahomet II, to help them to drive Charles
VIII out of Italy, Several writers affirm, that
the pope had ſent a nuncio, named Bozzo, to the y
port, and from thence it was concluded, that the
union between the grand ſignor and the pontif,
was to be purchaſed by one of thoſe atrocious
murders, of which they begin now to conceive
ſome horror even in the ſeraglio.
By a chain of very extraordinary events, the
pope- had Z:zim, or Gem, brother of Bajazet, in
his power. The manner in which this ſon of
Mahomet II fell into the hands of this pontif, is
as follows.
Zizim, the darling of the Turks, had diſputed
the empire with Bajazet, whom they deteſted :
but notwithſtanding the affection of the people,
he was defeated. In his diſtreſs he fled to the
knights of Rhodes, now of Malta, to whom he
had ſent an ambaſſador. At firſt he was received
as a prince to whom hoſpitality was due, and who
might. be of ſervice to them ; but ſoon after he
was treated as a priſoner. Bajazet paid the knights
forty thouſand zequins a year, to hinder Zizim
from returning to Turky. The knights carried
him to one of their commanderies in Poitou, call-
ed le Bourneuf, Charles VIII received at the fame
time
— wm — — ap — — $——} tw a n.. 5
Conqueſt of Naples.
time an ambaſlador from Bajazet, and a nuncio
from pope Innocent VIII, the predeceſſor of Alex-
ander, in regard to this illuſtrious captive. The
ſultan demanded him, and the pope wanted to
have him as a pledge for the ſecurity of Italy a-
gainſt the Turks. Charles ſent Zizim to the
pope, who received him with all the ſplendor
that the ſovereign of Rome could affect, before
the brother of the ſovereign of Conſtantinople.
They wanted to, oblige him to kiſs the pope's
feet ; but Boſſo, an ocular witneſs, aſſures us,
that the Turkiſh prince rejected this ſervile act
with indignation. Paul Jovius ſays, that Alen
ander VI contracted for the murder of Zizim,
by a treaty with the ſultan. Charles's head was
ſo full of his vaſt projects, that he thought him-
ſelf ſure of the conqueſt of Naples; and flatter-
ing himſelf with the hopes of becoming formid-
able alſo to Bajazet, he wanted to have this un-
fortunate brother again in his power. Accordin
to the ſaid hiſtorian, he was given up by Alexander
VI, after he had been poiſoned : but it is uncertain, _
whether the poiſon was adminiſtered to him by
2 domeſtic of that pope, or by a private meſſen-
ger from the grand ſignor. It was given out
however, that Bajazet had promiſed the pontif
wary hundred. thouſand ducats for his brother's
ead.. |
Prince Demetrius Cantemir ſays, that accord-
ing to the Turkiſh annals, Zizim's barber cut
this prince's throat, and was rewarded for this
villainous ſervice, by being made grand gizir.
But it is not -probable that they ſhould ; iſe a
barber to, be, miniſter and general of the empire.
Ti | Beſides, |
311
312
Charles VIII, Ch. Ixxxvi.
Beſides, if Zizim had been murdered in this
manner, king Charles VIII, who ſent back his
body to his brother, would have known what
kind of death he died of ; and cotemporary writers
would alſo have mentioned it. Prince Cantemir
and the accuſers of Alexander VI may be alike
miſtaken : the hatred the public bore to this pon-
tif was ſuch, that they ſuſpected him of every
crime he was capable of committing. *-
After the pope had ſworn not to- diſturb the
king any more in his conqueſt, he quitted his
conhnement, and made his appearance on the
tican throne. There, in a public conſiſtory,
the king paid homage of obedience, attended by
ohn de Gannai, firſt preſident of the parliament
of Paris, who ought not to have been preſent
at ſuch a ceremony. Charles kiſſed the feet of a
perſon whom two days before he had arraigned
as a Criminal; and to complete the farce, he
ſerved Alexander's maſs, Guicciardin, a co-
temporary author of very great credit, aſſures
us, that at church the king took his ſeat below
the dean of the cardinals, We ought not there-
fore to be ſo greatly ſurprized, that cardinal de
Bouillon, dean of the ſacred college, adhering to
thoſe ancient uſages, ſhould write to Lewis XIV,
1 ani going to take the ſecond place in the Chriſtian
world, | | 3
Charlemaign had cauſed himſelf to be declared
emperor of the weſt at Rome; and Charles VIII
was in the ſame place declared emperor of the
eaſt, but in a very different manner. One of the
Paleologi, nephew to him who loſt the empire
and his life, made an uſeleſs renunciation of what
5 was
. .
— v ,
emperor of the eaft.
was no longer to be recovered, in favour of
Charles VIII, and of his ſucceſſors.
After this ceremony Charles marched his army
into the kingdom of Naples. Alfonſo Il, who
had lately ſucceeded to that crown, hated by his
ſubjects as much as his father, and terrihed at
the approach of the French, gave the world an
example of a new kind of cowardice. He fied
to Meflina, and turned monk among the Oli-
vetans. His fon Fernando ſucceeded to the
crown, but could not re-eſtabliſh his affairs,
which his father's abdication ſeemed to have ren-
dered deſperate. Finding himſelf quickly aban-
doned by the Neapolitans, he diſcharged them
from their oath of allegiance ; after which he re-
tired to the little ifle of Iſchia, ſituated within a
few miles of Naples.
313
Charles being now maſter of the kingdom, and 1494.
arbiter of Italy, entered Naples in triumph, with-
out almoſt ſtriking a blow. Here he prematurely
took the titles of Auguſtus, and of emperor. But
at this time almoſt all the powers of Europe
were plotting to diſpoſſeſs him of the crown of
Naples. The pope, the Venetians, Lewis the
Moor, the emperor Maximilian, Ferdinand of
Arragon, and Iſabella of Caſtile, entered into a
league againſt him. Charles ought to have fore-
ſeen this confederacy, and to have been able to
make head againſt it, before he undertook this
expedition. He ſet out upon his return for France
hive months after leaving that kingdom: but
ſuch was either his infatuation, or his contempt
for the Neapolitans, or rather his inability, that
he left only four or five thouſand French to
preſerve his conqueſt,
Vol. II. 2 Upon
314
July
6,
1495.
Charles VIII Ch. lxxxvi.
Upon his return near Placentia, not far from
the village of Fornova, rendered famous by the
battle fought in that neighbourhood, he found the
confederate army about thirty thouſand ſtrong,
while the French were only eight thouſand. 1
he had been defeated, he muſt have loſt either
his liberty or his life: if he proved victorious,
he could gain only the advantage of making a
retreat. Then he ſhewed what great feats he
might have done, if his prudence had been equal
to his courage. The Italians ſoon gave way, and
yielded him a very cheap victory: for he did not
loſe above two hundred men; whereas the confe-
derates loſt four thouſand. Such is generally the
advantage of a ſmall body of diſciplined troops,
commanded by their king, over a multitude of
mercenaries. The Venetians reckoned it a vic-
tory to have plundered ſome of the king's bag-
gage; and indeed his tent was carried in triumph
through the city of Venice. By this victory
Charles ſecured his retreat to France; but he
left behind him the half of his little army in the
neighbourhood of Novara, in the Milaneſe,
where the duke of Orleans was ſoon ſurrounded.
The confederates had it ſtill in their power
to attack him with great advantage; but they
would not venture. We cannot, ſaid they, with-
ſtand la furia Franceſe *. The French fared ex-
actly in Italy as the Engliſh had done in France;
they were victorious with ſmall armies, and yet
they loſt their conqueſts.
When the king arrived at Turin, he, was ſur-
prized to ſee. a chamberlain from pope Alexander
* The French fury,
VI,
ce God ear Þp—@4. ER:
loſes his conqueſts. ; 315
VI, who commanded him to withdraw his troops
from Milan and Naples, and to give an account
of his conduct to the holy father, upon pain
of excommunication. This bravado would have
only excited laughter, if the pope's conduct in
other reſpects had not been a very ſerious ſubject
of complaint.
The king returned ſafe to France, and ſhewed
himſelf as careleſs about preſerving, as he had
been expeditious in making, his conqueſts. Fre-
derick, uncle of Fernando the dethroned king of
Naples, laid claim to the crown after Fernando's
death, and recovered in a ſingle month that whole
kingdom, with the help of Gonſalyo of Cordova,
known by the name of the Great Captain; whom
Ferdinand of Arragon, ſurnamed the Catholic, ſent
to his aſſiſtance,
The duke of Orleans, who, not long after,
ſucceeded to the crown of France, thought him-
ſelf very lucky in being ſuffered to march out of
Novara, In fine, there ſoon remained not the
leaſt ſign of this great torrent which had over-
whelmed Italy : and Charles VIII, after a very
fleeting glory, died without children, at the age
of near eight and twenty, leaving to Lewis XII
his firſt example to follow, and his miſtakes to
repair, 1493.
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P 2 CHAP,
Of Savonarcla, Ch. Ixxxvii.
C HAP. LXXXVII.
Of Savonarola.
EF O RE we ſhew in what manner Lewis
XII aſſerted his right to Italy, and what was
the fate at length of this fine country, which had
been rent by ſuch a number of ſactions, and diſ-
puted by ſo many powers, and in what manner
the popes formed the ſtate which they are at
preſent poſſeſſed of; it is proper we give attention
to an extraordinary event, which at that time
exerciſed the credulity of Europe, and diſplayed
the power of fanaticiſm.
There was at Florence a Dominican friar,
named Jerome Savonarola. This man was one of
thoſe preachers, whoſe talent of haranguing from
the pulpit makes them believe that they are able
to govern nations; one of thoſe theologians, who,
after writing comments on the Apocalypſe, imagine
they are endowed with the gift of prophecy. He
directed, he preached, he heard confeſſions, he
wrote; and in a free city, neceſſarily divided into
factions, he would fain be the head of a party.
As ſoon as the principal citizens knew that
Charles VIII was projecting an expedition into
Italy, Savonarola foretold it, and the common
people thought him inſpired. He declaimed a-
gainſt pope Alexander VI; he encouraged like-
wiſe ſuch of his countrymen as perſecuted the
Medicis, and had ſpilt the blood of the friends
of this family. Never had man in Florence a
greater influence over the vulgar. He was grown
a kind of tribune of the people, by cauſing the ar-
tificers
Of Savonarola.
tificers to be admitted into the magiſtracy. To
be revenged of him, the pope and the Medi-
cis had recourſe to the ſame arms as thoſe made
uſe of by Savonarola : they ſent a Franciſcan
friar to preach againſt him. The order of St.
Francis hated that of St. Dominic more than the
Guelfs hated the Gibellines.
The Franciſcan ſucceeded in making the Do—
minican odious; upon which the two orders went
to open war. At length a Dominican offered to
walk through a burning pile, 'in order to prove
the ſanctity of Savonarola. A Franciſcan pro-
poſed likewiſe the ſame ordeal, to prove Savo-
narola an impoſtor. The people naturally greedy
of ſuch a ſpectacle, inſiſted on its being exhi-
bited; and the magiſtrates were obliged to com-
ply. Their minds were ſtil] prepofſcifed with
the old fable of Aldobrandinus, ſurnamed Petrus
igneus, who in the eleventh century had paſſed and
repaſled over burning coals; and the partiſans of
Savonarola made no doubt but God would do
for a Jacobin what he had done for a Benedictin.
The . faction expected as much in fa-
vour of the Cordelier.
The piles were ſet on fire, and the champions
entered the liſts in the preſence of a vaſt multi-
tude of people. But when they ſaw the ſlames,
they trembled ; and their common fear ſuggeſted
to them a common evaſion. The Dominican
would not mount the ſtage, except he had the
hoſt in his hand: but the Cordelier pretended
that this was a clauſe which had not been agreed
upon. They both inſiſted obſtinately on their
point, and by thus helping cach other to get out
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Of Savonarola. Ch. Ixxxvii.
of the ſcrape, the public were deprived of the
ſhocking ſpectacle.
The mob were ſo incenſed by the adherents of
the Cordeliers, that they wanted to lay hold on
Savonarola; which the magiſtrates perceiving,
ordered this friar to withdraw : but though he
1492,
had the pope, the faction of the Medicis, and
the people againſt him, he refuſed to obey. He
was taken, and put ſeven times to the torture.
The extract of his depoſition mentions that he
acknowledged himſelf to be a falſe prophet, a
cheat, who abuſed the ſecrets of auricular con-
feſſion, as well as thoſe that were revealed to him
by his brethren, Might not he well own him-
ſelf an impoſtor? Muſt we not look upon an
intriguing prophet, as a downright cheat ? Per-
haps he was more of the fanatic. The human
imagination is capable of joining theſe two ex-
tremes which ſeem ſo oppoſite. If juſtice had
been done him, impriſonment and penance would
have been ſufficient : but the ſpirit of party
was concerned in the affair. He and two other
Dominicans were ſentenced to the flames which
they had ſo boldly defied : they were ftrangled
however before they were thrown into the fire.
The friends of Savonarola did not fail to at-
tribute miracles te him, the laſt ſhift of the ad-
herenis of an unhappy chief. Let us not forget
to mention, that when he was condemned, Alex-
ander VI ſent him a plenary indulgence.
CHAB.
0 F Picus of Mirandola.
CHAP. LXXXVIII.
Of Picus of Mirandola.
As the adventure of Savonarola ſhews us
the ſuperſtition of thoſe days, the theſes
of the young prince of Mirandola inform us
of the ſtate of learning. It was at Florence
and at Rome, among the moſt ingenious people
in the world, that theſe two different fcenes were
acted. Thence it is eaſy to form a judgment of
the darkneſs which overſpread other parts, and
of the ſlow progreſs which the human mind
makes towards improvement.
It is ſtill a proof of the ſuperiority of the Italians
of that time in regard to literature, that John
Francis Picus of Mirandola, a ſovereign prince,
was from his earlieſt years, a prodigy of ſtudy,
.and memory. Even in our days he would have
been a prodigy of real erudition. So ſtrong was
his pafhon for the ſciences, that at length he re-
nounced his principality, and retired to Florence,
where he died in 1494, the ſame day that Charles
VIII made his entry into that city. It is ſaid
that at eighteen years of age, he underſtood four
and twenty languages. Surely this is not accord-
ing to the ordinary courſe of nature. There is
no language whatever but requires about a year
to underſtand it well. A youth that knows two
and twenty, may be fuppoſed to know them but
very — 2 or rather he knows only their
elements, which is nothing at all.
It is ſtill more extraordinary that this prince
ſhould have ſtudied ny languages, and yet be
4 capable
32⁰
Of Picus of Mirandola. Ch. Ixxxviii,
capable in his four and twentieth year to defend
theſes at Rome upon all ſciences whatever.
We find prefixed to his works fourteen hundred
general concluſions, on which he offered to
diſpute. A little of the elements of geometry
and the ſphere, was in the courſe of that im-
menſe ſtudy all that may be ſaid to have been
worth his trouble. The reſt ſerves only to ſhew
the ſpirit of the times. It is Aquinas's ſum of
divinity, with the quinteſſence of the works of
Albert the Great, that is a mixture of theology
and peripatetic philoſophy. There you ſee that
an angel is infinite ſecundum quid; that the ani-
mals and plants ſpring from corruption animated by
a productive virtue. The whole is in this taſte.
This is all they learnt in every univerſity. Thou-
ſands of ſcholars filled their heads with theſe chi-
meras, and frequented till their fortieth year the
ſchools where this gibberiſh was taught. Nor
were they better inſtructed in other countries.
Thoſe who governed the world, were very ex-
cuſable at that time for deſpiſing the ſciences ;
and Picus of Mirandola may be ſaid to have been
very unhappy for having ſhortened his days in
theſe ſerious reveries.
Since Dante and Petrarch, few were the wri-
ters of real genius, who improving their time
in the peruſal of the beſt Roman authors, eſcaped
this dark maze of erudition. Their works were
more in the taſte of princes, ſtateſmen, ladies,
and noblemen, who read only for amuſement;
and ſurely theſe were far more proper for the
prince of Mirandola, than the compilements of
Albertus Magnus.
But
Of Picus of Mirandola.
But the paſſion for univerſal ſcience prevailed :
and this conſiſted in learning a few words by
heart on every ſubject without any ſort of mean-
ing. It is difficult to conceive how the ſame
men, who reaſon ſo juſtly and with ſuch exact-
neſs in regard to the affairs of the world and
their intereſts, could be ſatisfied in regard to al-
moſt every thing elſe, with gibberiſh and non-
ſenſe. It is becauſe we want to appear learned,
rather than to learn; and when once the mind
has been warped by erroneous principles in our
younger days, we uſe no endeavours afterwards
to ſet it right, on the contrary we ſtrive to con-
firm it in error. Hence it is that ſo many per-
ſons of wit and genius, are led away by popular
prejudices,
t is true that Picus of Mirandola wrote againſt
judicial aſtrology : but we muſt not miſtake ;
it was _- the aſtrology in vogue at that
time. He admitted another ſort, the ancient;
the true aſtrology, which, as he ſaid, was neg-
lected. : |
In his firſt propoſition, he ſays, that magic,
ſuch as is practiſed at preſent, and as the church
condemns, is not founded in truth, ſince it depends on
the powers that are enemies #0 truth, By theſe
very words, contradictory as they are, we ſee that
he admitted the art magic, as the work of Sa-
tan; and this was the received opinion. Accord-
ingly he aſſerts, that there is no, one power in
heaven or on earth but a magician can put in mo-
tion; and he proves that words are effectual in
incantations, becauſe God, made uſe of words in
arranging the univerſe.
4
PE: Theſe
:
[|
|
:
|
322
Of Alexander VI, Ch. Ixxxix.
Theſe propoſitions made a far greater noiſe,
and met with a better reception, than the diſ-
Eoveries of Sir Iſaac Newton, or the inquiries
of Locke in our days. Of this whole body of
doctrine pope Innocent VIII cauſed thirteen pro-
poſitions to be cenſured. This cenſure reſembled
in ſome meaſure the deciſions of thoſe Indians,
who condemned the opinion that the earth is
ſupported by a dragon, becauſe faid they, it
can have no other ſupport than an' elephant,
Picus of Mirandola wrote an apology, wherein
he complains of his cenſors. He ſays that one
of them declaimed furiouſly againſt the cabal *.
But do you know, ſaid the young prince to him,
the meaning of the word cabal? A pretty queſtion,
anſwered the theologian; is it not well known,
2 7 was 4 heretic, who wrote againſt Jeſus
ri
A all, pope Alexander VI, who at leaſt
had, the merit of deſpiſing theſe diſputes, was
obliged to ſend him an abſolution. It is obſer-
vable that he treated Picus of Mirandola and Sa-
vonarola both alike,
Oe I I CI EDS
| _ CHAP. LXXXIX.
Of pope Alexander, and king Lewis XII.
JOPE Atexander VI had two great points
in view, to recover the territories which
were pretended to have been diſmembered from
the Roman ſee, and to procure a crown for his
* The ſecret ſcience of the Hebrew Rabbis, p
on
— A V
and Lewis Xl.
fon Cæſar Borgia. The ſcandalous: life of this
pontif made no diminution of his authority; nor
did the people of Rome ever riſe up againſt
him, The public accuſed him of an inceſtu-
ous commerce with his own daughter Lucre-
tia, whom he forced away from three huſbands:
ſucceſſively (the laſt of whom, Alfonſo of Arra-
gon, he cauſed to be aſſaſſinated) to marry her at
length to the heir of the houſe of Eſte. Theſe
nuptials were celebrated in the Vatican with re-
joicings the moſt infamous, and the moſt ſhock-
ing, that human licentiouſneſs ever invented.
Fifty naked courtezans danced before this in-
ceſtuous family, and prizes were given to thoſe:
who diſplayed the moſt wanton movements.
It was the general report, that this pope's ſons,
the duke of Gandia, and Cæſar Borgia then dea-
con, archbiſhop of Valentia in Spain and cardinal,
had quarrelled for the favours of their ſiſter Lu-
cretia. The duke of Gandia was aſſaſſinated at
Rome, and Cæſar Borgia was ſuſpected of hav-
ing had a hand in the murder. As the perſonal.
eſtates of the cardinals devolved to the pope after
their deceaſe, there was a ftrong preſumption that
the Borgias had haſtened the death of many a:
cardinal,. whoſe effects they wanted to inherit.
And yet the people of Rome were ſubmiſſive,
and all the powers of Europe courted Alexander.
Lewis XII, king of France, and ſucceſſor to
Charles VIII, ſeemed more eager than any other
prince to enter into a ſtrict alliance with this
pontif; for which he had more reaſons than one.
He wanted to be divorced from his wife, the
daughter of. Lewis XI, with-whom he had con-
ſummated his 2 * who had lived with
him
323
324
Of Alexander VI, Ch. Ixxxix,
him two and twenty years without bearing any
children, No human diſpenſation could autho-
Tize this divorce ; and yet diſlike and reaſons of
ſtate re:d-red it neceſſary.
Anne of Britany, the widow of Charles VIII,
Preſerved for Lewis XII the ſame inclination as
the had felt for the duke of Orleans; and unleſs
he had married her, he muft have parted with
Britany, It was an ancient but dangerous cuſ-
tom for princes to addreſs themſelves to Rome,
either to obtain leave to marry their relations, or
to be divorced from their, wives. For as ſuch
marriages or divorces were frequently neceſſar
to the ſtate, the tranquillity of a nation —
conſequently have depended on the fancy or diſ-
poſition of a pope, who might be an enemy to
the kingdom.
The other reaſon which connected Lewis XII
with Alexander VI, was his unhappy pretenſions
to ſeveral territories in Italy. He laid claim to
the dutchy of Milan, becauſe his grand- mother
was ſiſter of a Viſconti, who formerly poſſeſſed
this principality. In oppoſition to this claim the
Italians might have pleaded preſcription, and the
inveſtiture given by the emperor Maximilian to
Lewis the Moor, whoſe niece this emperor had
married.
The common feudal law being ever obſcure
and uncertain, there was no way of interpreting
it but by the ſword, This dutchy of Milan, this
ancient kingdom of the Lombards, was a fief of
the empire. There had been no determination
as yet, whether it was a male or female het,
or whether the women could inherit. The
grand- mother of Lewis XII, a daughter of Vit
gre ; conti
bed hs VI ST —_—
and Lewis XII.
conti duke of Milan, had by her marriage ſettle-
ment only the county of Aſti. This marriage
ſettlement was the ſource of the troubles of Italy,
and of the misfortunes of Lewis XII and Francis
IJ. Moſt of the ſtates in Italy were fluctuating
in this uncertainty, being neither able to aſſert
their freedom, nor to determine who was to be
their maſter,
The rights of Lewis XII to Naples were the
fame as thoſe of Charles VIII. 7
Cæſar Borgia, the pope's baſtard, was com-
miſſioned to carry the bull of divorce into
France, and to treat with the king about all
theſe projects. Borgia would not ſtir from Rome,
till he had been aſſured of the dutchy of Valen-
tinois, of a company of a hundred gendarmes,
and likewiſe of a penſion of twenty thouſand
livres ſettled upon him by Lewis XII, with a
promiſe of prevailing on the king of Navarre's
ſiſter to marry this archbiſhop. Thus Cæſar
Borgia, from a deacon and an archbiſhop be-
came a layman : and the pope his father granted
a diſpenſation at the ſame time to his fon and to
the king of France; to the one to quit the
church, to the other to quit his wife. The
agreement was ſoon made; and Lewis XII, pre-
pared for a new expedition into Italy.
He had the Venetians on his fide, who were to
ſhare part of the ſpoils of the dukedom of Milan :
they had already taken the country of Breſcia and
Bergamo ; and wanted at leaſt the whole territory
of Cremona, to which they had no more right than
to the city of Conſtantinople. |
The emperor Maximilian ought naturally to
have defended his father-in-law and his vaſlal the
| | duke
226
Of Alexander Vl, Ch. Ixxxix.
duke of Milan againſt France his natural enemy;
but he was not then in a capacity of defending
any body. He was ſcaree able to maintain his
ground againſt the Swiſs, who had but juſt ſtript
the houſe of Auſtria of what territories it had ſtill
left in their country. Maximilian therefore was
obliged. in this conjuncture to look on with a
ſeeming indifference.
Lewis XII quietly put an end to ſome diſputes
between him and this emperor's ſon, Philip the
handſome, father of Charles V, and ſovereign of
the Low Countries; in conſequence of which
Philip paid' homage in perſon to France for the
counties of Flanders and Artois, The chancellor
Guy of Rochefort received this homage at Arras :
being ſeated and covered, he held the prince's hands
between his own,. while the prince ſtanding un-
eovered and without ſword or girdle, pronounced:
theſe words, I yield homage to the king for my peer»
ages of Flanders and Artois, &c. |
The king likewiſe renewed the treaties of
Charles VIII with England, and having put his
kingdom in a ſtate of defence on all ſides, at
leaſt for ſome time, he marched his army over the.
Alps. It is remarkable that entering upon this
war inſtead of increaſing he diminiſhed the taxes,
and that by this indulgence he firſt acquired the
title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE. But he fold:
ſeveral offices which are called royal, and eſpe-
cially thoſe belonging to the finances. Would it
not have been much better to have eſtabliſned an
equal aſſeſſment of taxes, than to have introduced
the ſhameful venality of public employments, into
a country of which he wanted to be eſteemed
the father? The practice of expoſing public em-
ployments
TCC A
and Lewis XII.
loyments to ſale, came originally from Italy.
he places in the apoſtolic chamber uſed to be
diſpoſed of for money at Rome, and it was not
till within our memory that the pope aboliſhed:
this cuſtom. -
The army which Lewis XII ſent beyond the
Alps, was not much ſtronger than that with
which Charles VIII had conquered the kingdom
of Naples. But what muſt appear very extraor--
dinary, is, that Lewis the Moor, who was no-
more than duke of Milan, Parma, and Placentia,.
and lord of Genoa, had as conſiderable a body of
troops as thoſe of the king of France.
Here again we have another inſtance of what 2499;.
the Furia Franceſe could do againſt Italian cun-
ning. The king's forces in ten days made them-
ſelves maſters of the ſtates of Milan and of Ge-
noa, while the Venetians took poſſeſſion of the
territory of Cremona.
After Lewis had taken theſe fair provinces by
his generals, he made his public entry into Mi-
lan, where he received the deputies of all the
ſtates of Italy, as if he had been their lord para-
mount. But ſcarce was he returned to Lyons,
when the French by their remiſſneſs, which is
enerally the conſequence of their firſt impetuo-
bh loſt the dukedom of Milan, in the ſame
manner as they had loſt Naples. In this ſhort
interval of ſucceſs Lewis the Moor paid a ducat ice;
for the head of every Frenchman that was
brought him. The king of France reſolving to
make another puſh, ſent Lewis de la Trimouille
to repair the miſtakes committed in Italy ; and
the French forced their way again into the dutchy
of Milan, The Swiſs who ever ſince the *
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Of Alexander VI, Ch. Ixxxix.
of Charles VIII made uſe of their liberty to let
' themſelves out for hire, were in great numbers
1500.
both in the French and the Milaneſe armies. It
is remarkable that the dukes of Milan were the
firſt princes, who took Swiſs troops into their
pay. Maria Sforza ſet this example to all the
ſovereigns in Europe.
Some officers of this nation, which had hi-
therto reſembled the ancient republic of Sparta |
in frugality, ceconomy, equality of conditions,
and the love of liberty and courage, ſullied the
glory of their country, by the love of money,
The duke of Milan was at Novara, where he
truſted the Swiſs with his perſon preferably to
the Italians. But far from meriting this con-
fidence, they made their terms with the French.
All that Lewis the Moor could obtain, was to
be ſuffered to accompany them in a Swiſs dreſs,
and with an halbert in his hand. Thus he paſſed
in diſguiſe in the midſt of the French army:
when thoſe who ſold him, ſoon made him
known. He was taken, and carried to Pierre-
encife, and from thence to the ſame tower of
Bourges where Lewis XII had been confined :
he was removed afterwards to Loches, where he
lived ten years longer, not in an iron cage, as is
vulgarly believed, but waited upon with diſtinc-
tion, and permitted the laſt years of his life to
walk abroad within five leagues of the caſtle.
Lewis XII being now maſter of the dutchy
of Milan and of Genoa, wanted alſo to be poſ-
ſeſſed of the kingdom of Naples; but he had
reaſon to be afraid of Ferdinand the Catholic,
who had already driven the French out of that
kingdom, a
$
as 3 a a we HA > 4a oe
Ha 7
and Lewis XIT.
As he had therefore joined with the Venetians
to conquer the dutchy of Milan, the ſpoils of
which they divided betwixt them, ſo now he
united with Ferdinand to ſubdue the kingdom of
Naples. The catholic king choſe rather to ſtrip
than to aſſiſt a prince of his own houſe; fo
that by a treaty concluded with France, he made
a partition of this kingdom, where then reigned
Frederic the laſt king of the baſtard branch of
Arragon. Ferdinand kept Apulia and Calabria
for himſelf ; the reſt was deſigned for France.
Pope Alexander VI, the ally of Lewis XII, enters
into this confederacy acainf} an innocent monarch
his feudatory, and grants to the two kings the
inveſtiture which he had already given to the
king of Naples. The catholic king diſpatches
this ſame general Conſalvo of Cordova to Naples,
under the pretence of defending, but in reality
to oppreſs his relation. The French army pattly
marched by land and partly was tranſported by
ſea. As for the Neapolitans, they were not ac-
cuſtomed to fight for their kings. |
The unfortunate monarch betrayed by his re- 1501,
lation, preſſed by the French forces, and bereft of
all ſuccour, choſe rather to truſt himſelf into the
hands of Lewis XII, whom he looked upon as
a generous prince, than to venture His perſon
with the catholic king, from whom he had re-
ceived ſuch perfidious treatment. He app'ied
therefore to the French for a paſſport to quit his
kingdom, and arriving ſoon after on the coaſt of
France with five gallies, he received a penſion
from the king of one hundred and twenty thou-
land livres preſent currency. Hard fate of a ſo-
vereign |
Thus
329
Of Alexander VI, Ch. xc.
Thus we ſee that Lewis XII had at the ſame
time a duke of Milan priſoner, and a king of
Naples attending his court in the quality of a
penſioner : moreover the republic of Genoa was
reduced to a French province. The people were
very little taxed, ſo that France was one of the
moſt flouriſhing kingdoms in the world; it want- |
ed only the improvements of commerce and of
the polite arts, which ſeemed to be the peculiar '
glory of Italy,
CCC
CHAP. XC.
Wickedneſs of the family of Alexander VI, and
of Ceſar Borgia: the affairs of Lewis X11,
and Ferdinand the catholic, continued: death of |
pope Alexander VI.
ALEXANDER VI was then doing in lit-
tle, what Lewis XII was executing in
great: he was ſubduing the fiefs of Romagna by
the arms of his ſon. Every thing ſeemed to con-
tribute to the grandeur of this ſon, but he did |
not enjoy it long : contrary to his intention, he
was toilmg only to inlarge the territories of the
church.
Every violence, or artifice, every exertion of
courage, or villainy that can be mentioned, was
practiſed by Cæſar Borgia. To ſubdue 2 or
ten ſmall towns, and to get rid of a few lords,
he uſed more art than the Alexanders, the Jeng-
hiz-chans, the Tamerlanes, or the Mahomets ever
dad recourſe to in conquering great part of the _
. AC e > 2 Rr =D — — 2 2.
and Lewis X11.
Indulgences were ſold to raiſe an army; and car-
dinal Bembo aſſures us, that in the dominions of
Venice alone, they diſpoſed of to the value of
near ſixteen hundred marks of gold. They
raiſed the tenth peny on all the revenues of the
church, under the pretext of a war againſt the
Turks ; when they had only a little war at the
gates of Rome,
Borgia begins with ſeizing on the towns belong-
ing to the Colonnas and the Savellis in the neigh-
bourhood of Rome : then partly by force and
partly ” cunning, he makes himſelf maſter of
Forli, Faenza, Rimini, Imola, and Piombino :
and in theſe conqueſts, treachery, aflaflination, and
impoiſoning are part of his arms, He demands
in the pope's name, artillery and troops of the
duke of Urbino: the duke ſupplies him; and he
employs them againſt the duke himſelf to ſtrip
him of his dukedom. He inveigles the lord of
the town of Camerino into a conference, and
fr2ngles him with his two ſons. He prevaits
by means of the moſt folemn oaths on four
lords, the duke of Gravina, Oliverotto, Pagolo,
and Vitelli, to treat with him in the neighbour-
hood of Sinigaglia : the ambuſh was laid, and he
cruelly maſſacres Vitelli and Oliverotto. Would
one imagine that Vitelli, as he was expiring,
ſhould beg of the murderer to obtain of the pope,
his father, an indulgence for him in the article
of death ? And yet this is mentioned by cotem-
porary writers. Nothing can be a ſtronger proof
of human weakneſs, nor of the force of opinion.
Had Cæſar Borgia died before Alexander VI,
of the poiſon which they are ſaid to have pre-
pared for the cardinals, and. to have drunk —
n ves,
331
332
Conſalvo to fight in ſingle combat.
Of Alexander VI,
ſelves, I ſhould not be ſurprized if Borgia at
his laſt gaſp had aſked a plenary indulgence of
the pope his father.
At the ſame time Alexander VI laid hold of the
friends of thoſe unfortunate noblemen, and or-
dered them to be ſtrangled in the caſtle of St.
Ch. xc.
Angelo. But what is moſt lamentable, Lewis
XII, the father of his people, favoured theſe
barbarities ; reſigning the blood of theſe victims
to the pope, in order to obtain his aſſiſtance in
the conqueſt of Naples. From a motive of po-
licy, or ſtate-intereſt, he was guilty of injuſtice
in favour of Alexander VI. But what kind of
policy was it, what intereſt of ſtate, to encourage
the horrid cruelties of a man who ſoon after be-
trayed him
t was the fortune of. the French to conquer
Naples, and their fate ſoon after to loſe it. Fer-
d the catholic, who had deceived his rela-
tion the laſt king of Naples, was not more faith-
ful to Lewis XII; for he quickly agreed with
Alexander VI to deprive the king of France of
his ſhare of the ſpoils. |
Conſalvo of Cordova, who ſo well deſerved
the title of great captain, but not of a virtuous
man, he who ſaid that the cloth of honour ought
to be home-ſpun, at firſt deceived and then de-
feated the French, The generals of this nation
ſeem to have been more remarkable for that cou-
rage which honour inſpires, than for abilities re-
quiſite in the conducting of great affairs. The
French troops were commanded by a deſcendant
of Clovis, the duke of Nemours, who challenged
Conſalvo
anſwered him by beating his army ſeveral _
an
ri!
6 and Lewis XIT. 333
and eſpecially at Cerignola in Apulia, where Ne-
mours was ſlain with four thouſand French *. It 1503.
is ſaid that only nine Spaniards were killed in this
battle; an evident ſign that Conſalvo had choſen
in advantageous poſt, that Nemours wanted mili-
| tary ſkill, and that his troops were diſheartened,
In vain did the famous chevalier Bayard withſtand
alone the attack of two hundred of the enemy
on a narrow bridge; this was a glorious but uſe-
leſs effort,
In this war a new method was invented of de-
ſtroying mankind. Peter of Navarre, a ſoldier of
fortune, and a celebrated Spaniſh general, invent-
ed the ſpringing of mines, the firſt effects of
which were felt by the French.
And yet France was ſo powerful at that time,
er W that Lewis XII was able to ſend three armies
t- into the field, and a fleet to ſea. Of theſe three
a- WH armies one was deſigned for Naples, the other
n- two for Rouſſillon and Fontarabia. But none of
th thoſe armies made any progreſs; and that of
of Naples was ſoon entirely diſperſed, ſo bad was
the conduct of the French, compared to that of
ed the Great Captain. In ſhort, Lewis irretrievably
US loſt his ſhare of the kingdom of Naples.
ht Italy not long after was delivered of Alexander 1503.
e- VI and his fon, Hiſtorians unanimouſly mention,
n that this pope died of a poiſon which he had de-
1- ſigned at a feaſt for ſeveral cardinals: an exit indeed
e. becoming his life. But the fact is not probable.
1e They pretend that upon a preſſing occaſion for mo-
p ney, he wanted the inheritanceof thoſe cardfnals. But
0 In him ended the branch of Armagnac, deſcended from Ca-
83 nibert, ſon of Clotharius II. | |
id 2 it
Of Alexander VI, Ch. x6
it is well atteſted that Cæſar Borgia carried away
a hundred thouſand ducats out of his father's trea-
ſure, after his deceaſe : therefore he could not be
in any real neceſſity. Beſides, how could they
have been ſo miſtaken in that poiſoned bottle of
wine, which is ſaid to have been the cauſe of
the pope's death, and to have brought the ſon to
the brink of his grave? Perſons ſo long experi-
ericed in villainy, ſeldom leave room for ſuch a
miſtake. They mention no body that ever avow-
ed the fact; how came they then to the know-
ledge of it? If the cauſe of the pope's death had
been known at the time he died, it would have
been known to the very perſons whom he want-
ed to poiſon. If ſo, they would not have left
ſuch a crime unpuniſhed ; they would not have
ſuffered Borgia quietly to take poſſeflion of his
father's treaſure. The common people, who often
hold their maſters, and eſpecially ſuch maſters, in
abhorrence, having been kept in ſubjection under
Alexander, would have broke through reſtraint
at his death; they would have interrupted the
interment of this monſter, and torn his abomi-
nable ſon to pieces, In fine, the journal of
the houſe of Borgia takes notice that the pope,
being ſeventy two years old, was attacked with
an intermitting fever, which ſoon became conti-
nual, and proved mortal. Surely this is not the
e of poiſon. It is moreover ſaid that the
duke of Borgia cauſed himſelf to be ſown up in
the belly of a mule. I ſhould be glad to know
againſt what poiſon is a mule's belly an anti-
dote? And how could this Borgia juſt as he was
a dying, go to the vatican for the hundred yrs
| an
r
—B / . OO 0 OG. OY...
<= ww Cd CD © oo we
and Lewis XII.
ſand ducats ? Was he ſhut up in the mule's belly,
when he carried off the treaſure ?
It is true there was a tumult in Rome after the
pope's deceaſe ; and the Colonnas and the Urſinis
returned to that capital with armed force : but
this very tumult would have been a proper oc-
caſion for ſolemnly _—_— the father and the
ſon of ſo horrid a crime. Finally, pope Julius
Il, the mortal enemy of this family, and who
had the duke a long time in his power, did not
charge him with what he has been accuſed of by
the public voice.
But on the other hand, why ſhould cardinal
Bembo, Guicciardin, Paul Jovius, Tomaſi, and
| ſo many other cotemporaries, agree in this ſtrange
accuſation ? Whence are ſo many circumſtances
derived? How come they to name the kind of
poiſon, which was called Cantarella? We may
anſwer, that it is not difficult for accuſers to in-
vent, and that ſo horrid a charge ſhould have been
ſupported by probable arguments,
Alexander VI left behind him a memory far
more odious than that of the Neros and of the
Caligulas, becauſe a greater degree of guilt aroſe
from the ſanity of his character. And yet it
is to him that Rome is indebted for her tem-
poral grandeur; it is he that enabled his ſue-
ceſſors to hold the balance of Italy. His ſon
loſt the whole fruit of his iniquity, which
was gathered by the church. Almoſt all the
towns which he had ſeized upon, ſurrendered
themſelves to others, as ſoon as his father died;
and pope Julius II afterwards obliged him to de-
liver up the reſt : ſo that he was quickly ſtripped
of all his fatal grandeur, The whole fell to the
I holy
336
Of Alexander VI, &c. Ch. xc,
holy ſee, to whom his villainy proved more ſer-
viceable, than the abilities of a number of popes
ſupported by the arms of religion.
According to Machiavel his meaſures were ſo
well concerted, that he bid fair for attaining the
ſovereignty of Rome and of all the eccleſiaſtic ſtate,
after the death of his father; but little did he
foreſee that he himſelf ſhould be at death's door
at the time when Alexander was expiring,
Friends, enemies, allies, relations, all the world
in ſhort, either abandoned or betrayed him, as
he had betrayed all the world. The great
captain, Conſalvo of Cordova, to whom he ſur-
rendered himſelf, ſent him priſoner into Spain.
Lewis XII took from him his dutchy of Valen-
tinois and his penſion. - At length he made his
eſcape out of priſon and took ſhelter in Navarre,
Courage is not a virtue, but a happy quality,
given in common to great men and villains : his
did not fail him in this aſylum. He was {till
true to his character; by his intrigues he obtain-
ed the command of the army of his brother-in-
law the king of Navarre, whom he adviſed to
cruſh the vaſſals of Navarre, as he himſelf had
heretofore cruſhed the vaſſals of the empire and of
the holy ſee, But he was killed ſword in hand;
and his death proved glorious : whereas in the
courſe of this hiſtory we ſee lawful ſovereigns
and men of honour ending their days on a {cat-
Li
CHAP,
ny ge — _ a Aa CS onal
of Governmert of Lewis XII. 237
4 CHAF. X&
b The political affairs of Lewis XII continued.
E
5 | HE French might have recovered Naples, in
* the ſame manner as they recovered Milan;
. but through the ambition of the firſt miniſter of
. Lewis XII, this ſtate was irrecoverably loſt, Car-
d dinal Chaumont d'Amboiſe, archbiſhop of Roan,
. a prelate ſo much extolled for having had only
one benefice, but to whom the adminiſtration of
a whole realm was ſurely as good as a ſecond,
wanted to have another of a more exalted nature,
He aimed at being pope after the death of Alex-
ander VI; and they would have been forced to
elect him, had his policy been equal to his ambi-
, tion, He had money at command ; and the
troops deſigned againſt the kingdom of Naples
were at the gates of Rome: but the Italian car-
dinals perſuaded him to remove this army to ſome
diſtance, that his election might appear more
? free, and be conſequently more valid. Accord-
| ingly he called off the troops; and cardinal
Julian de la Rovere made them ele& pope Pius 1503.
III, who died at the end of twenty ſeven days:
this cardinal Julian was afterwards choſen pope
himſelf, under the name of Julius II. In the mean
time the rainy reaſon hindered the French from
paſſing the Garigliano time enough, and favoured
the deſigns of Conſalvo of Cordova. Thus the
cardinal d'Amboiſe, though eſteemed a man of
abilities, loſt the triple crown himſelf, and was
: the cauſe of his maſter's loſing a kingdom,
Vor, II. Q He
338
Government of Lewis XII. - Ch. xci.
He has been reproached with a ſecond fault of
another kind, viz, the incomprehenſible treaty of
Blois, in which the king's council, with the ſtroke
of a pen, conſented to diſmember and deſtroy the
French monarchy. In virtue of this treaty the
king was to give his only daughter, by Ann of
Britany, to the grandſon of the emperor, and of
king Ferdinand of Arragon, both his enemies ;
to that very prince, who, under the name of
Charles V, proved fo formidable to France and
to Europe, Who would have imagined that her
dowry was to conſiſt of the dutchies of Britany
and Burgundy, and of Milan and Genoa, which
were to be evacuated, and all right to thoſe terri-
tories reſigned ? This is what Lewis XII was go-
ing to give away from France, in caſe he died
without iſſue male. So extraordinary a treaty
F 1506.
V7
cannot be excuſed, but by ſaying that the king
and cardinal d'Amboiſe had no intention to keep
it; and, in ſhort, that the cardinal had learnt of
Ferdinand the art of diſſimulation.
The ſtates general were aſſembled at Tours,
where they proteſted againſt this fatal partition.
Perhaps the king, who repented what he had
done, had the artifice to make the whole king-
dom apply to him, for a revocation of what he
durſt not revoke himſelf. Perhaps he was per-
ſuaded to yield to the remonſtrances of the na-
tion. Be that as it may, the heireſs of Ann of
Britany was hindered from marrying the heir of
the houſe of Auſtria and of Spain, as Ann her-
felf had been hindered from marrying the emperor
Maximilian, She was married to the count of
Angouleme, afterwards Francis I; by which means
Britany, that had been twice united to F We,
| an
League of Cambray.
and twice had been very near falling under an-
other power, was incorporated with the king-
dom; and Burgundy was prevented from being
diſmembered, | | |
Another fault laid to his charge was the con-
federacy, into which he entered with all his ſecret
enemies, againſt the Venetians his allies. This
indeed was a moſt extraordinary and unexampled
event, that ſo many kings ſhould conſpire the
ruin of a republic, which three hundred years
before was from a town of fiſhermen grown
the ſeat of opulence and commerce,
Sandes
„
Of the league of Cambray, and the conſequence of it.
Of pope Fulius II, &c.
OPE Julius II, a native of Savona in the
dominions of Genoa, with indignation be-
held his country groaning under the yoke of
France. The Genoeſe had about that time made
an attempt to recover their antient liberty, fon
which they were puniſhed by Lewis XII, with
greater haughtineſs than ſeverity. He entered the
city of Genoa with his drawn ſword, and ordered
all their charters and privileges to be burnt in his
preſence; then erecting a throne on a ſuperb ſcaf-
told in the great market-place, he made the Genoeſo
come to the foot of the ſcaffold, and hear their
ſentence upon their knees. But he condemned
them only to a ſine of one hundred thouſind
Q 2 Crowns,
240 League of Cambray. Ch. xcii,
crowns, and built a citadel, which he called the
bridle of Genoa.
The pope, like the reſt of his predeceſſors,
would have been glad to drive all foreigners out
of Italy, and of courſe to ſend the French back
beyond the Alps; but he wanted firſt of all the
Venetians to join him, and to reſtore ſeveral
towns which were claimed by the holy ſee. The
one part of theſe towns had been wreſted
rom their lawful ſovereigns by Cæſar Borgia,
duke of Valentinois : and the Venetians, ever
watchful over their own intereſts, had immedi-
ately after the death of Alexander VI made them-
ſelves maſters of Rimini, Faenza, and of a great
many eſtates in the diſtricts of Bologna, and Fer-
rara, as alſo in the dutchy of Urbino. They
wanted to preſerve theſe acquiſitions ; which Ju-
lius IT perceiving, made the French ſubſervient to
his defigns againſt Venice, though a little before
he had ſolicited the Venetians to arm againſt
France. But he was not ſatisfied with having
France on his fide ; he made all Europe join in
the league, | |
There were very few ſovereigns but had claims
on this republic. The emperor Maximilian had
unlimited pretenſions as emperor ; and moreover
Verona, Vicenza, Padova, the marquiſate of T re-
vigo, and Friuli, were conveniently ſituated for
him. Ferdinand, the catholic king of Arragon,
might re-take ſeveral maritime towns in the king-
dom of Naples, which he had pledged to the
| Venetians. This would have been an eafy way
| of diſcharging his debts. The king of Hungary |
ö had pretenſions to part of Dalmatia. The _ |
* 6
—— — Vu 2 — =
League of Cambray.
of Savoy might likewiſe put in his claim to the
iſle of Cyprus, becauſe he was related to the
houſe of Cyprus, which no longer exiſted. The
Florentines, in quality of neighbours, had alſo
ſome rights.
Almoit all the potentates in Europe, even thoſe
that were at enmity with each other, ſuſpended
their quarrels to unite together at Cambray again{t
the republic of Venice. The Turk, her natural
enemy, and who at that time was at peace with
her, was the only power which did not accede
to this treaty. In ſhort, never did ſo many kings
confederate againſt old Rome. Venice indeed
was as rich as all theſe powers together; a cir-
cumſtance in which ſhe greatly confided, as well
as in the diſunion which ſoon broke out amongſt
ſo many allies. She had it in her power to ap-
peaſe the wrath of Julius II, the principal author
of the league; but ſhe diſdained to Ge fur fas
vour, and had the courage to wait the impend-
ing ſtorm. Perhaps this is the only time that ever
ſhe behaved with temerity,
The pope began his Cd of war with
excommunications, which are more deſpiſed by
the Venetians than by other nations. Lewis XII
ſent an herald at arms to denounce war to
the doge, He demanded back the territory of
Cremona, which he himſelf had reſigned to the
Venetians, when they helped him to take the
dukedom of Milan: he laid claim alſo to Breſcia,
Bergamo, and to other places,
Fortune favoured the French on this occaſion
with the ſame rapid ſucceſs, which had hitherto
attended them in the beginning of all their expe-
ditions. Lewis XII having put himſelf at the
217 head
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PE IDEA
—
League of Cambray. Ch. xcii.
head of his forces, defeated the Venetian army
at the famous battle of Agnadello *, near the ri-
ver Adda. Each of the pretenders ſeized on his
ſhare of the ſpoil; and Julius II in particular took
poſſeſſion of all Romagna. Thus the popes who,
it is ſaid, were indebted to an emperor of France
for their firſt poſſeſſions, owed the remainder to
the arms of Lewis XII. They then recovered
almoſt the whole extent of territory which they
now poſſeſs. |
In the mean time the emperor's troops advanced
into the province of Friuli, where they took Tri-
eſte, which has ever ſince continued in poſſeſſion
of the houſe of Auſtria.” The Spaniſh troops
ſeized on what the Venetians held in Calabria.
There was not one, even down to the duke of
Ferrara, and to the marquiſs of Mantua, formerly
a general in the Venetian ſervice, but ſeized his
prev, Venice. which before had been ſo bold
and intrepid, was now as timid and diſpirited : ſhe
abandoned the towns on the continent of her
own accord: ſhe releaſed Padua and Verona from
their oaths of allegiance, and being reduced to
her lagunes, ſhe implored the mercy of the em-
peror Maximilian, whoſe ſucceſſes rendered him
inflexible.
Then it was that pope Julius IT having fulfilled
his firſt deſign of aggrandizing Rome on the
ruins of Venice, thought of executing the ſe-
cond ; which was to drive the Barbarians out of
Italy. kit
A ſmall town in the Milaneſe Proper, fituate upon a canal
between the rivers Adda and Serio, 23 miles from Milan,
Lewis
League of Cambray.
Lewis XII returned to France, where, like
Charles VIII, he grew as negligent in preſerving,
as he had been diligent in making, his conqueſts.
'The pope was reconciled to the Venetians, who
being now recovered from their firſt panic, made
a ſtand againſt the Imperial forces.
At length Julius entered into a league with
this very republic, and againſt thoſe ſame French,
whom he had employed to diſtreſs her. He want-
ed to deſtroy all the foreigners in Italy, by mak-
ing them cut one another's throats, to demoliſh
the feeble remains of the German authority, and
to form of Italy a puiſſant body, of which the
pope was to be head. In this deſign he fpared
neither negotiations, money, nor labour, IIe
headed the troops himſelf; he mounted the
trenches; in fine, he dared to encounter death,
The French hiſtorians cenſure his ambition and
his obſtinacy ; but they ſhould alſo have done
juſtice to his courage and magnanimity.
Lewis XII was guilty of a freſh miſtake, which
forwarded pope Julius's fcheme. The former
was remarkable for his œconomy, which might
be ſtiled a virtue in the ordinary adminiſtration
of a peaceful ſtate, but a vice in great under-
takings.
Through want of a diſcipline the whole
ftrength of the French armies at that time con-
ſiſted in the gendarmery, who fought on foot
as well as on horſeback, They had not yet
formed a good body of national infantry, though
it was very practicable, as experience has ſince
ſhewn ; ſo that the kings of France were obliged
to hire either German or Swifs foot.
Q 4 | "Ik
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il *
—
— wy A A. *
SAL W
344
League of Cambray, Ch. xcii.
The Swiſs are well known to have contributed
to the conqueſt of the dutchy of Milan : for they
had ſold their blood, and even their honour in
delivering up Lewis the Moor. The cantons
now demanded an augmentation of their penſion,
and Lewis refuſed it. The pope artfully laid
hold of this conjuncture ; he cajoled them, and
gave them money: he encouraged them by the
titles he ſo laviſhly beſtowed on them, of de-
fenders of the church: in fine, he cauſed their
preachers to declaim from the pulpit againſt the
French nation, The people all flocked to theſe
military ſermons, which flattered their paſſion :
in ſhort, it was preaching a cruſade.
By an odd change of conjunctwes, the French
were now the allies of the German empire,
with which they had ſo often been at enmity :
more than this, they were become its vaſſals.
Lewis XII had given for the inveſtiture of Mi-
lan one hundred thouſand crowns to the emperor
Maximilian, who was neither a powerful ally,
nor a faithful friend, and who, as emperor, liked
neither the French nor the pope.
Ferdinand the Catholic, who had always de-
ceived Lewis XII, deſerted the league of Cam-
bray, as ſoon as he had got what he pretended to
in Calabria, He received the full and intire in-
veſtiture of the kingdom of Naples of pope Ju-
lius II, who by this ſtep ſecured him in his in-
tereſt. Thus the pope * great policy had
brought over to his ſide the Venetians, the Swiſs,
the — of the kingdom of Naples, and even
thoſe of England; while the French were oblig-
ed to withſtand the joint efforts of all theſe
powers. :
| , Lewis
League of Camb. ay.
Lewis XII thus attacked by the pope, ſum- 15:0,
moned an afſembly of biſhops at Tours, to know
whether it was lawful for him to defend himſelf,
and whether the pope's excommunications were
valid Poſterity will be aſtoniſhed that ſuch que-
ſtions were ever ſtarted: but there was a ne-
ceſſity for reſpecting the prejudices of the times.
I cannot help taking notice of the firſt cafe of
conſcience propoſed in this aſſembly. The pre-
ſident aſked whether the pope had a right to make
war, when neither religion nor the temporal do-
minions of the church were concerned ; and he
was anſwered in the negative. It is evident to
me that they did not ſtate the queſtion right; and
that they anſwered the very contrary of what
they ſhould have anſwered. For in matters of
religion and eccleſiaſtic poſſeſſions, if we ad-
here to the goſpel, a biſhop, ſo far from going
to war, ought only to pray and to ſuffer : but in
matters of politics, a pope can and ſurely ought
to aſſiſt his allies, and to defend Italy. More-
over the pope went to war in order to reunite
Bologna and Ferrara, whoſe poſſeſſors were un-
der the proteCtion of France, to the patrimony of
the church. | |
This French aſſembly made a worthier anſwer,
by concluding to abide by the famous pragmatic
ſanction of Charles VII, to ſend no more money
to Rome, and to tax the clergy of France in
order to carry on the war againſt the pope, their
Roman chief.
They began with fighting in the neighbour-
hood of Bologna and Ferrara, Julius II laid 1511.
ſiege to Mirandola in perſon ; and though his
holineſs was then ſeventy years old, yet he was
5 ſeen
245
April
11,
1512.
League of Caml ray. Ch. xcii.
ſeen to mount the trenches with his helmet on,
to viſit the works, to preſs the engineers, and at
length victoriouſly to enter the breach.
While the pope, worn out with old age, was
fighting at the head of his troops, the king of
France, ſtill in the vigour of life, was aſſembling
a council, He ſtirred up all the clergy of Chri-
ſtendom, and the pope all the ſoldiers. The
council was appointed to meet at Piſa, where a
few cardinals, enemies of the pope, made their
appearance, But this royal council proved in the
end an idle undertaking, whereas the papal war
was very ſucceſsful,
In vain ſome medals were ſtruck at Paris, on
which Lewis XII was repreſented with this de-
vice, perdam Babylonis nomen; I will defirey even
the name of Babylon. It was a ſhame thus ts
menace, when there was fo little power to exe-
Cute.
The moſt ſignal proofs of courage, and even
victories, ſerve only to raiſe the glory, but not
to increaſe the power, of a nation, when there
is a radical defect in the government of it. This
is what happened to the French in Italy. The
brave chevalier Bayard was admired for his
valour, and generoſity. Gaſton de Foix, at
the age of twenty-three, rendered his name im-
mortal, by repulfing the Swiſs army, by rapid-
ly croſſing four rivers, by driving the pope from
ologna, and by winning the famous battle of
Ravenna, where he acquired ſo much glory, but
loſt his life. Theſe were all ſignal exploits: but
ſtill the king was at too great a diſtance, his or-
ders generally came too late, and were ſometimes
League of Cambray.
contradictory, There was very little emulation
among the officers, which was owing to his being
ſo ſparing when he ought to have been liberal of
his moncy. There was no ſubordination among
the troops; beſides the infantry was compoſed of
foreigners, chiefly Germans, who, as mercena-
ries, had very little attachment to the crown.
The French gallantry, and that air of ſuperiority
aflumed by victors, incenſed the humbled and
jealous Italians. But the fatal ftroke was the
emperor Maximilian's being prevailed on by the
pope to iſſue out a proclamation, by which every
German ſoldier in the French ſervice was re-
called, upon pain of being deemed a traytor to his
country.
The Swiſs immediately marched down from
their mountains againſt thoſe fame French, who
at the time of the league of Cambray had all the
powers of Europe for their allies, but now had
them all for their enemies. Theſe mountaineers
made it a point of honour to bring along with
them the ſon of the duke of Milan, Lewis the
Moor, and to expiate their treachery againſt the
father by erowning the ſon. Kg. EN
The French under the command of the mar-
ſhal de Trivulce, abandoned all the towns they
had taken, from the middle of Romagna to
the confines of Savoy. The famous Bayard
made very gallant retreats, like a hero who is
obliged to yield to ſuperior force, There was
only the ſpace. of three months between the
vieuory of Ravenna, and the total expulſion of
the French. Lewis XII had the mortification
to ſee the young Maximilian Sforza, ſon of the
duke who died priſoner 71 rance, to ſee him, I
ſay,
League of Cambray. Ch. xcii.
ſay, reſtored to the dukedom of Milan by the
Swiſs, Genoa, where he had diſplayed the pomp
of an Aſiatic monarch, twice expelled the French,
and recovered her liberty. |
The Swiſs, after having ſerved France for hire,
were now become her enemies, and to the num-
ber of twenty thouſand laid ſiege to Dijon. Even
Paris itſelf was ſtruck with terror. Lewis de la
Trimouille, governor of Burgundy, could not
ſend them home, without paying them twenty
thouſand crowns in ready money, and pro-
miſing them in the king's name four hundred
thouſand more, for which he was obliged to give
them ſeven hoſtages. The king would let them
have no more than one hundred thouſand crowns ;
and even this ſum was more than he would have
been obliged to pay for their auxiliary forces,
which he had fo parſimoniouſly refuſed. The
Swiſs, incenſed at receiving only a fourth part
of their money,, condemned the ſeven hoſtages
to death. The king was then obliged to promiſe
not only the whole ſum, but likewiſe one half
more, Luckily: the hoſtages made their eſcape,
and ſaved the king his money, but not his glory.
7 Can a vt
£ - 4% _ -@ AA a. Altkh tw tes A _vD_ ca. ta. A i.
wed = a _ff- to
Of Lewis X11, &c.
CHAP, Xell.
The affairs of Lewis XII continued; of Ferdinand
the Catholic, and of Henry VIII, king of Eng-
land,
T HIS famous league, which had been at firſt
| concerted againit the republic of Venice,
was now, by a ſtrange viciſſitude, directed againſt
France, ſo as to prove fatal in the end to Lewis
XII. We find that there were chiefly two princes
of greater abilities than himſelf; Ferdinand the
Catholic, and the pope. Lewis was formidable
but a very ſhort time; whereas ever after he had
reaſon to fear moſt of the powers of Europe.
While he was loſing Milan and Genoa, toge-
ther with his treaſure and his troops, they were
depriving him alſo of a bulwark againſt Spain.
His ally and relation, John d'Albret, was ſudden-
ly ſtripped of his territories by Ferdinand the
Catholic, who defended this violence by a pre-
tence of religion : for he ſaid that he had a bull
of pope Julius Il who excommunicated John
d'Albret, as an adherent of the king of France,
and of the council of Piſa. Navarre has been
ever ſince incorporated with the Spaniſh monar-
chy.
The better to underſtand the policy of this
Ferdinand the Catholic, famous for pretending
to what he was ever violating, namely, fincerity
and religion, we muſt ſee how artfully he made
this conqueſt. He propoſed to his ſon-in-law
Henry VIII, king of England, to join their forces
| In
1512.
1513.
/ Lewis XII, Ch. xciii.
in order to recover Guienne, the ancient patri-
mony of the Englifh, who had been expelled
from thence above one hundred years. The
young king of England, pleaſed with the pro-
Ject, Tends a fleet to Biſcay, Ferdinand makes
uſe of the Engliſh army to conquer Navarre,
and leaves the Engliſh to reimbark for their own
country, without making any attempt upon Gui-
enne, the invaſion of which was impracticable.
Thus he deceived his ſon-in-law, after having
tricked his relation the king of Naples, king
Lewis XII, the Venetians, and the pope. In
Spain he- was called the wiſe, the prudent ; in
Italy, the pious ; in France and in England the
perfidious.
Lewis XTI had put Guienne into a good poſ-
ture of defence ; but he was not fo fortunate in
Picardy. Henry VIII embraced this opportunity
to make an irruption on this ſide into France,
which was open to the Engliſh by the gates of
Calais.
The young king, fired with ambition and
eourage, attacked France by himſelf, without
waiting for ſuccours from the emperor Maxi-
milian, or from Ferdinand the Catholic, his al-
hes. The old emperor, always enterprizing,
and always poor, ſerved in the king of England's
army, and was not aſhamed to receive the ſtipend
of a hundred crowns a day. Henry VIII, with
his Engliſh troops alone threatened to revive the
fatal times of Poictiers and Agincourt. He
gained a complete victory at the battle of Guine-
gaſte, which is called the battle of the ſpurs.
He took Terouane, which is now deſtroyed;
and he alſo made himſelf maſter of Tournay, a
city
„
=y
4 = w @ #1 @CÞ> 1
— — HY UY „
Ie
_ 2
—
and Ferdinand, &c.
city time immemorial incorporated with France,
and the cradle of the French monarchy,
Lewis XII had buried his wife Anne of Brita-
ny, and now he concluded a peace with Henry
VIII, by marrying his ſiſter Mary of England:
but whereas kings as well as private perſons re-
ceive a dower with their wives, Lewis paid one,
It coſt him a hundred thouſand crowns to marry
his conqueror's ſiſter. Thus after having been
obliged to ſubmit to the extortions of the Engliſh
and of the Swiſs, after having been deceived by
Ferdinand the Catholic, and driven from his Ita-
lian conqueſts by the ſteadineſs of Julius II, he
351.
ſoon finiſhed his career. 1575.
As he laid very few taxes, he was called the
father of his people. But the heroes with whom
France at that time abounded, would likewiſe
have given him the title of their father, if by
raiſing neceſſary taxes, he had preſerved his terri-
tories in Italy, given a check to the Swiſs, afford-
ed effectual aſſiſtance to Navarre, and repulſed
the Engliſh.
But though he was unfortunate abroad, he was
far from being ſo at home. All that he can be
reproached with, is the ſale of employments,
which in his reign did not extend to judicial of-
fices. In a reign of ſeventeen years he raiſed by
this means the ſum of twelve hundred thouſand
livres in the dioceſe of Paris only. But the land-
tax and the duties on merchandize were very
moderate. It was ever his particular attention
not to lay any heavy burden on the people. He
did not think he was king of France, in the
ſame manner as a private perſon is lord of his
eſtate, merely to draw his ſubſiſtence from it.
There
Of Lewis XII, &c. Ch. xcii
There was no new impoſt in his time : and when
Fromentau preſented to that ſquanderer Henry
III in 1580, a comparative account of what was
exacted under this unhappy prince, and what was
paid under Lewis XII; at each article there ap-
peared an immenſe ſum for Henry III, and a very
moderate one for Lewis, if it was an old duty ;
but if it was an extraordinary tax, at the article
Lewis XII, there was a cypher only: and unhap-
pily this account of what was not paid under
ewis XII, and of what was exacted by Henry
III, contains a large volume.
This king's revenue was only about thirteen
millions ; but theſe thirteen millions were equi-
valent to near fifty of our preſent money, Pro-
viſions were at that time much cheaper, and the
ſtate was not in debt. It is not therefore to be
wondered that this ſlender revenue, with prudent
management, enabled him. to live in ſplendor, and
to make plenty flouriſh throughout his kingdom,
He took cate that juſtice ſhould be adminiſtered
in every province, expeditiouſly, impartially, and
with as little expence as poſſible. The judges
fees were forty times leſs than what they are at
preſent. In the bailiwick of Paris there were only
forty- nine ſerjeants , and now there are above five
hundred. It is true that this capital was not then
the fifth part of what it is in our days. But the
number of officers of juſtice has increaſed in a
much greater proportion than the city of Paris ;
and the evils inſeparable from great towns, have
been augmented more than the number of inha-
bitants.
„ Officers appointed to arreſt perſons, a
Lewis
WW 9 7 _ 9
Of England, &c.
Lewis XIT was the firſt king of France that
ſecured the huſbardman againſt the rapaciouſneſs
of the ſoldiers, and that inflicted capital puniſh-
ments on the gendarmes who extorted any thing
from the peaſants. Five gendarmes were put to
death; and the country people were ever after-
wards unmoleſted. Though he was neither a
great hero, nor a great politician, he acquired far
more ſolid glory, that of being a good king, and
his memory will be ever dear to poſterity,
0000000000000000
CHAP. XCIV.
Of England and its misfortunes after invading
France. Of Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry
VI, &c, |
N the midſt of the diſſenſions with which
Italy was continually rent, pope Julius II,
reſolute in his deſign of clearing his country of
foreigners, increaſed the temporal power of the
papal ſee, far beyond any thing his predeceſſors
had ever enjoyed, He diſmembered Parma and
Placentia from the dukedom of Milan, and join-
ed them to the eccleſiaſtic ſtate with the conſent
of the emperor himſelf : this action does honour
to his memory, and with it he concluded his
353
pontificate and his life. This territory is no x514,
longer in the pope's poſſeſſion. At that time
the holy ſee, as a temporal ſtate, held the balance
of power in Italy.
Venice though at war with Ferdinand the Ca-
tholic king of , nr" was ſtill a reſpectable re-
public,
354
1442.
1444.
Of England, Ch. xciy,
public, being able to withſtand at the ſame time
the attacks both of che Mahometans and of the
Chriſtians. Germany was at peace: England
began again to be formidable; but we muſt in—
quire into the cauſes that weakened this king-
dom, and the means by which it recovered its
ſtrength.
The diſtempered brain of Charles VI had been
the ruin of France; and the weak head of Henry
VI was the cauſe of the calamities of England,
The relations of this prince began with quar- |
relling about the adminiſtration in his youth; juſt
as the relations of Charles VI flung every thing |
into confuſion that they might command in this
prince's name. At Paris the duke of Burgundy
cauſes the duke of Orleans to be aſſaſſinated; and
at London, the dutcheſs of Glouceſter, the king's
aunt, is accuſed of having attempted to take away
her nephew's life by witchcraft. A poor woman,
who was reckoned a witch; and a foolith or kna-
viſh prieſt, who was counted a necromancer, were
burnt alive for. this pretended conſpiracy. The
dutcheſs was ſentenced to do public penance, and
to be impriſoned for life. The ſpirit of philoſo-
phy was yet at ſuch a diſtance from this iſland,
that it was the center of ſuperſtition and cruelty.
Moſt of the «quarrels of princes end in marri-
es. Charles VII made a match between Henry
I and Margaret of Anjou, daughter of Rene
of Anjou, king of Naples, duke of Lorrain, and
count of: Maine, 'who with all theſe titles had
no dominions, nor ſo much as a ſmall dower
to give his daughter. Very few princeſſes
were ever more unfortunate in a father and in a
huſband. She was a woman. of- an n
| pirit,
„„ wwe wr 2 _AM I 2
P ROO Eee eee OY SS. 1 —— — —
and Margaret of Anjou. 3
ſpirit, and of unſhaken courage; to a degree that
ſhe might juſtly be ſtiled an heroine, if ſhe had
not begun by ſullying her virtues with a heinous
crime. She had every political ability, and every
military virtue: but ſhe ſometimes gave into
thoſe cruelties, which ambition, war and factions
inſpire. Her temerity and the puſillanimity of
her huſband, were the original ſource of the
public calamities.
She wanted to govern the kingdom, which ſhe
could not do without getting rid of the duke of
Glouceſter, the king's uncle, huſband of that 1447.
very dutcheſs, who had been already ſacrificed to
her enemies, and was now confined in priſon.
The duke was arreſted under pretence of a new
conſpiracy, and the next day was found dead
in his bed. This proceeding rendered the
queen's adminiſtration, and the king's name,
odious, The Engliſh ſeldom hate their princes,
without conſpiring againſt them. There was at
that time in England a defcendant of Edward
III, whoſe branch was one degree nearer to the
original ſtock, than that which ſat upon the
throne. This was the duke of York. He wore
in his arms a white roſe, and Henry VI, of the
branch of Lancaſter, wore a red roſe. This is
the ſource of thoſe famous names conſecrated to
civil war,
In England faQtions ariſe under the ſanction
of parliament; but when the conteſt 1s over,
the victor often enſlaves this aſſembly. The
duke of York impeaches the duke of Suffolk, 1450.
prime miniſter and favourite of the queen, who
by theſe two titles had done enough to incur the
hatred of the nation, We have here a ſtrange-
. example
356
1455.
May
23,
1455.
Of England, Ch xciv,
example of the effect of popular averſion. The
court to content the people, baniſhes the prime
miniſter out of England, who in conſequence of
this ſentence embarks for France. The captain
of a man of war, ſtationed on the coalt, falls in
with the ſhip in which this minitter ſailed, and
alks who is on board. The maſter anſwers, that
he is carrying the duke of Suffolk to France,
You ſhall not carry a man abroad, ſays the cap-
tain, that has been a traytor to his country; and
immediately he orders his head to be ſtruck off ®,
Thus the Engliſh behaved in full peace; but the
civil war ſoon opened a more dreadful fcene.
Henry VI was ſubject to a kind of weakneſs,
which for years together rendered him unfit for
all buſineſs. This ſame century beheld three ſo-
vereigns in Europe, whom a diſorder of the brain
involved in the heavieſt calamities, namely the
emperor Wenceſlaus, Charles VI, king of France,
and Henry VI, of England. One of thoſe unfor-
tunate years when the king was relapſed into his
illneſs, the duke of York and his party gained a
ſuperiority in the council. The king, like a
perſon recovered from a long lethargy, opened
his eyes, and perceived he had loſt his authority,
Queen Margaret adviſed him to ſhew himſelf a
king; but this he could not do without drawing
the (word. The duke of York having been ex-
pelled the council, ſoon put himſelf at the head
of an army. Henry was dragged to the battle
® This is not altogether exact. The duke being taken, was
brought into Dover road w here his head was ſtruck off on the
fide of a cock boat; and the head and body were left on Dover
ſands where they were found by a chaplain of his, and taken
up and buried, Sce Rapin, p
v
and Margaret bf Anjcu.
of St. Albans, where he was wounded and taken
priſoner, but not yet dethroned. The duke of
York conducted him in triumph to London ; and
ſuffering him to bear the title of king, he aſſumed 1455+
to himſelf that of protector, a title already known
to the Engliſh,
Henry VL often infirm in body, and always
in mind, was little better than a priſoner with
the pageantry of a king. The queen wanted
to break his fetters in order to be at liberty
herſelf; and indeed her courage was ſuperior to
her misfortunes. She raiſed an army according
to the cuſtom of thoſe days, by the aſſiſtance of
the lords of her party ; and having perſuaded her
huſband to retire out of London, ſhe headed his
forces. Thus the Engliſh, in a very ſhort time,
ſaw four French women who had the command
of troops, the wife of the count of Montfort
in Britany, the wife of king Edward II in Eng-
land, the maid of Orleans in France, and Mar-
garet of Anjou.
The queen drew up the army herſelf in bat- July a,
talia, and fought cloſe to her huſband at the 460.
bloody battle of Northampton, The duke of
York, her inveterate enemy, was not in the op-
polite army; but his eldeſt ſon, the earl of March,
was there learning the rudiments of war under
a perſon of the greateſt renown. This was Guy,
earl of Warwick, a man of ſingular abilities in
the cabinet, and at the ſame time of the moſt in-
trepid courage- in the field; a man, in ſhort,
fruitful in expedients, capable of attempting every
thing, and formed as it were to diſpoſe of crowns,
The earl of Warwick's good genius prevailed
over Margaret of Anjou. Her army was de-
7 feated ;
358
Of Enpland, Ch. xciy,
feated; and ſhe had the mortification to ſee the
king her huſband made priſoner in his tent : but
while the unhappy prince was ſtretching out his
arms to his wife, ſhe was obliged to fly away
with her ſon the prince of Wales. The victo-
rious party re- conducted the king the ſecond
time to his capital, where he preſerved the ap-
pearance of a king with the reality of a pri-
ſoner.
9 Ot, A parliament was ſummoned ; and now the duke
1460.
of Vork, heretofore protector, aſpired to a higher
dignity. He claimed the crown, as the re-
preſentative of Edward III, to the excluſion of
Henry VI, born of a younger branch, This
great queſtion between the king and the pretender
to the crown, was ſolemnly argued in the houſe
of lords. Each fide gave in his reaſons in writing,
as at common trials. The duke of Vork, not-
withſtanding his ſucceſs in the field, could not
obtain a compleat victory in parliament. Here
it was decided that king Henry ſhould continue
to reign for life, and that the duke of York
ſhould fucceed him to the excluſion of the prince
of Wales. To this bill a clauſe was added,
which became a freſh ſource of war and diſturb-
ance, that if the king broke through this law,
the crown from that moment ſhould be forfeited
to the duke of York.
Margaret of Anjou, notwithſtanding her de-
feat, her precipitate flight, her diſtance from her
huſband, and her having to contend with the vic-
torious duke of Vork, with the city of London, and
with the parliament, ſtill did not loſe her courage.
She went into the principality of Wales, and the
neighbouring counties, where by ſolliciting 1
| 0
and Margaret of Anjou.
old friends and creating new ones, ſhe raiſed at
laſt another army. It is obvious that theſe were
not regular troops, long trained to diſcipline, and
paid by one commander. Each lord brought as
many men into the field as he could tumultuouſly
collect; ammunition and pay they procured by
pillage. The conſequence was, that they were
obliged either to come quickly to an engagement,
or to diſperſe, The queen at length, having
drawn together a body of eighteen thouſand men,
met her enemy the duke of York, in the province
of the ſame name, near the caſtle of Sandal. Fortune
359
that day favoured her courage. The enemy's army Dec.
was defeated ; the duke of York fell in the en- 31,
gagement; and his ſecond ſon, Rutland, was
killed in the purſuit *#, The father's head, with
thoſe of ſome of the general officers, was fixed
upon the wall, where they long remained a mo-
nument of their defeat.
Margaret now victorious marches up to Lon-
don, in order to ſet the king her huſband at liber-
ty. The earl of Warwick, the ſoul of the York
party, had ſtill an army, in which he dragged about
the captive king. The two armies met in the +
neighbourhood of St. Albans, a place famous for
more battles than one, and the queen had alſo the
good fortune of obtaining the victory, Here ſhe
had the ſingular pleaſure of ſeeing the terrible
earl of Warwick flying before her, and of re-
This was the battle of Wakefield, ſo called from that
town, in whoſe neighbourhood it was fought, the duke of York
having "marched out of Sandal, and drawn up his army on
Wakefield green. | 4
+ At Bernard's heath,
ſtoring
I 460.
Feb.
T7,
1460-
1.
360
Of England, Ch. xciv
ſtoring her huſband on the field of battle to his
liberty, and to his authority. Never had woman
greater ſucceſs nor greater glory; but the triumph
was very ſhort. The city of London ſtill held
out, for Warwick had taken care to ſecure it in
his intereſt. The queen therefore could neither
gain admittance, nor pretend to force the cit
with ſo weak an army. The earl of March, the
duke of York's eldeſt fon, was in the town“,
breathing fury and revenge. The queen after
her victories was obliged to retire to the north of
England, where ſhe endeavoured to ſtrengthen ,
her party, which was now more conſiderable by
the royal preſence.
oy In the mean time, Warwick finding himſelf
1:60. maſter in London, afſembles the people in a field
not far from the city gates , and preſenting the
duke of York's ſon to them, which, ſays he, ill
you have fir your king, either this young prince, or
Henry of Lancaſter © The people anſwered, Yor.
The voice of the multitude ſupplied the place of
a parliament, for there was none fitting at that
time. Warwick aſſembled a few lords and bi-
ſhops, who voted that Henry VI of Lancaſter
had broke through the act of parliament, becauſe
his wife had taken up arms in defence of her
huſband. The young duke of York was there-
fore proclaimed king in London by the name of
Edward IV, while his father's head was ſtil] upon
York walls, for having been guilty of high trea-
* This is a miſtake; the earl of March after defeating the
earl of Pembroke at Mortimer's croſs in Herefordſhire, had
joined the earl of Warwick at Chipping-Norton, and was ap-
proaching towards London: and the queen receiving this intell-
gence, retired to the North, See Rapin,
+ Near Clerkenwell,
ſon,
ſon. Thus was Henry VI deprived of his crown,
after he had been proclaimed king of France and
England in his cradle, and after he had reign-
ed eight and thirty years, free from every re-
proach but that of imbecillity.
As ſoon as the queen received this news, ſhe
aſſembled an army of ſixty thouſand men in the
north of England. This wes a prodigious ef-
fort; but ſhe expoſed this time neither her huſ-
band's perſon nor her own, nor her ſon. War-
wick led his young king, at the head of forty
thouſand men, againſt the quzen's army; and
came up with them at Towton, near the banks
of the river Aire, on the borders of Vorkſhire. March
Here was fought the bloodieft battle that ever de- 29,
populated England; for cotemporary writers make 461.
the number of the ſlain to amount to fix and thirty
thouſand. Warwick gained a complete victory,
by which the young king was ſettled on the
throne, Margaret of Anjou in this diſtreſſed
ſituation fled into Scotland with her huſband and
her ſon. After the battle king Edward ordered
his father's head to be taken down from the walls
of York, and the heads of the principal officers
among the enemy to be put in his ſtead. In the
courſe of theſe horrid wars, each party in their
turn put their priſoners to death by the hands of
the common executioner. England was thus a
bloody theatre, where they were continuall
erecting ſcaffolds on the very field of battle.
vol. II. R CHAP,
and Margaret of Anjou. 361
|
|
Of Edward IV, Ch. xcv.
MAP. XCV.
Of Edward IV. Of Margaret of Anjeu, and the
death of Henry VI.
HE intrepidity of Margaret ſtill continued
ſuperior to her misfortunes. Finding but
very little encouragement in Scotland, ſhe croſſes
over into France through the midſt of the enemy's
fleet. She applies for ſuccours to Lewis XI, who
was then in the beginning of his reign : and
though through bad policy he refuſes her any aid,
Margaret is not diſheartened. She borrows money
and thips ; and after having obtained a ſupply of
five hundred men ſhe ſets fail from France. In her
paage the queen is ſeparated by a ſtorm from her
ittle fleet : however ſhe lands in England, where
ſhe aſſembles ſome forces, and determining again
to try the fortune of war, fearleſs ſhe expoſes her
own perſon in company with her huſband and her
ſon. Another battle is fought in the neighbour-
hood of Hexham *, where ſhe is likewiſe defeat-
ed. After this overthrow ſhe is left deſtitute of all
relief. Her huſband flies on one fide ; herſelf and
her ſon on the other; without domeſtics or attend-
ants, and expoſed to all the, accidents and injuries
of life. In the purſuit Henry fell into the enemy's
hands, who brought him back with ignominy to
London, where they confined him to the Tower.
Margaret had the good fortune to eſcape with her
ſon into France, to her father Rene of Anjou,
who could afford her nothing but compaſſion.
® On Lyvel's plain near the water of Dowil in Northumber-
land.
: The
Henry and Margaret.
The young king Edward IV having been thus
delivered of all his enemies, and made maſter of
_ Henry's perſon, by the aſſiſtance of Warwick,
was in peaceable poſſeſſion of the throne. But
as ſoon as he was at his eaſe, he grew un-
grateful, The earl of Warwick, who had been
a father to this prince, was negotiating a match
between him and Bona of Savoy, ſiſter to Lewis
XIth's queen. When the marriage was juſt upon
the point of being concluded, Edward happening
to ſee Elizabeth Woodville, widow of fir John
Grey, falls in love with her, marries her in pri- 1465.
vate, and at length declares her his queen, with-
out acquainting Warwick, After giving him
this offence he flights him, removes him from
his council, and makes him his irreconcileable
enemy. Warwick's policy was equal to his cou-
rage, and he ſoon exerted both in revenging
himſelf of Edward. He ſeduced the duke of
Clarence, the king's brother; he ſet England
again in flames; and it was no longer the red roſe
againſt the whze, but a civil war betwixt the king
and his provoked ſubject. Battles, truces, nego-
tiations, treaſons, ſucceeded each other with the
greateſt rapidity, At length Warwick having
driven Edward out of England, went to the
Tower to releaſe that very king Henry VI, whom
he had depoſed ; and placed him again upon the
throne. This earl was called the King maker, Oc.
Parliaments in thoſe days did little more than 252
echo the will of the ſtrongeſt: Warwick cauſed *
one to be called, which immediately reſtored Nov.
Henry to all his rights, and declared that ſame 1
Edward IV, on whom they had a few years be-
fore conferred the hs a traytor and a
| 2 «
Faſter
Sund.
April
14,
Of Edward IV. Ch. xcv.
We are not yet come to the cataſtrophe of this
long and bloody tragedy. Edward IV had taken
ſhelter in Holland, but had ſtill a powerful party
in England, whither he returned after ſeven
months baniſhment. His partiſans opened the
gates of London to him; and Henry, the ſport
of fortune, juſt after his reſtoration was ſent again
to the Tower. His wife, Margaret of Anjou,
ever . ready to ſuccour him, and fruitful in
expedients, was at that ſame time upon her
return to England with her ſon the prince of
Wales, and at her landing received the news
of this diſaſter. Warwick, who had been fo
long her perſecutor, was now become her de-
fender, and marched againſt Edward. Thus
there were ſtill ſome hopes left for this un-
fortunate queen : but ſcarce had ſhe heard of
her huſband's ſecond impriſonment, when a
courier comes to acquaint her, as ſhe was yet
upon the coaſt, that Edward had _ a com-
plete victory at Barnet over the earl of Warwick,
who was ſlain in the engagement.
It is amazing, that after ſuch a multitude of
diſaſters a woman ſhould - ſtill have ventured to
try her fortune, But her undaunted courage al-
ways procured her friends. Whoſoever had a
party in England, was ſure, at the expiration of
ſome time, of finding his partiſans ſtrengthened
by the averſion of the people from the court
and miniſtry. This in ſome meaſure was as good
as an army to Margaret of Anjou, after ſuch a
number of revolutions and defeats. There was
ſcarce a county in England where ſhe had not
fought ; but the banks of the Severn and Tewkſ-
bury park were the laſt field of battle. She com-
N manded
Henry and Margaret. 365
manded the troops in perſon, and led the prince
of Wales through the ranks ; the battle was ob- May
ſtinate, but at length victory declared in favour 3» |
of Edward. The queen miſſing her ſon in the“
confuſion of the flight, and being able to get
no tidings of him, fainted away. In this condt-
tion ſhe was found in a chariot ; and upon com-
ing to herſelf, ſhe ſaw her ſon a priſoner, and
her conqueror Edward before her. The mothcr
and the ſon were parted : the queen was con—
ducted to London, and ſent to the very Lower
where the king her huſband was confined. While
Margaret was diſpoſed of in this manner, Ed-
ward turning himſelf to the prince of Wales,
How came you to be fo raſh, ſaid he, as to put
foot into my dominions? I am come into my father's
territories, replied the prince, to revenge his cauſe,
and to reſcue my inheritance out of your hands,
Edward was ſo provoked at this reply, that he
ſtruck him with his gauntlet : and it is mentioned
by- cotemporary hiſtorians, that king Edward's
own brother, the duke of Clarence, then re-
ſored to favour, and the duke of Glouceſter,
together with ſome lords, fell like ſo many wild
beaſts on the prince of Wales, and inhumanly
butchered him. When the firſt perſons of the
realm could commit ſuch barbarities, what notion
mult we form of the common people ? They
pardoned no priſoner whatever ; and now they
reſolved to put Henry VI to death. The reſpect
which in thoſe barbarous times they had enter-
tained above forty years for the perſonal virtues
of this monarch, had hitherto reſtrained the hands
of thoſe aſſaſſins; but after they had thus mur-
dered the prince of Wales, they began to have
R 3 leſs
366
| May
21,
1471.
Of Edward I, Ch. xcvi.
leſs regard for the king, That very duke of
Glouceſter, who had embrued his hands in the
blood of the ſon, went himſelf to the Tower to
murder the father. They ſpared Margaret of
Anjou, becauſe they expected the French would
ranſom her. And ſo it fell out four years after-
wards, when Edward, having eſtabliſhed peace at
home, went over to Calais to declare war againſt
France: Lewis XI concluded a ſhameful treaty,
by which he prevailed upon him for a ſum of
money to return to England, and by the ſame
agreement he gave him fifty thcuſand crowns for
the heroine's ranſom. This was a great ſum to
the Engliſh, who were impoveriſhed by the wars
of France, and by their own domeſtic diſſenſions.
Margaret, after having deſended the rights of her
huſband and of her ſon in twelve pitched battles,
died in 1482 ; the moſt unfortunate, and, were it
not for the murder of her huſband's uncle, the
molt venerable queen, wife, and mother in Eu-
rope.
NN * CNN
C HAP. XCVI.
Continuation of the troubles of England under Ed-
ward IV, under the tyrant Richard III, and ts
the end of the reign of Henry VII.
DWARD IV was now peaceably ſeated
on the throne; the triumph of the white
roſe was complete, and its power cemented by
the blood of almoſt all the princes of the red
roſe, Upon conſideting the conduct of _
»
and the tyrant Richard III. 367
IV, there is no body but would imagine him to
have been a barbarous prince, whoſe thoughts
were intirely taken up with glutting his revenge:
yet he was a man of pleaſure, as much intang-
led in the intrigues of women as in thoſe of ſtate.
He did not want the regal dignity to render him-
ſelf agreeable. Nature had formed him the hand-
ſomeſt as well as the moſt amorous man of his
time ; but by a ſurprizing contraſt had infuſed in-
to ſo tender a breaſt ſuch a diſpoſition to cruelty as
fills us with horror. He ordered his brother Cla-
rence to be tried for his life on the moſt frivolous
pretences; and the only grace he ſhewed him was
the permitting him to chuſe the manner of his
death. Clarence delired to be drowned in a butt xrarch
of Malmſey wine: a very odd and unaccount- 11,
able fancy * ! | | 1478.
The ſecret of pleaſing his ſubjects, was to make
war againſt France. We have already ſeen, un-
der. the article of Lewis XI, how Edward IV *
crofſed the ſea in 1474, and by how ſhameful a
policy Lewis XI gave a ſum of money to this
king, at that time leſs powerful and leſs ſettled
on the throne than himſelf, to perſuade him to
return to England. To purchaſe peace of an
enemy, is enabling him to wage war. Edward
therefore propoſed to his parliament in 1483, to
invade France again, Never was there a propo-
fat accepted of with more general ſatisfaction;
but juſt as he was preparing for this expedition, ,p1it
he died at the age of forty two. 9%
1483,
* This is a vulgar error, It was not at his own deſire; but
the court being afraid of the popular reſentment by a public ex-
ecution, he was privately drowned in a butt of Malmſey. See
Hall and Hollingſhead.
R 4 As
368 Of Edward IV, Ch. xcvi.
As he was a prince of a very robuſt conſtitution,
his brother Richard, duke of Glouceſter, was ſuſ-
pected of having haſtened his days by poiſon. This
was not judging raſhly of the duke of Glouceſ-
ter, a monſter born to perpetrate even the moſt
horird crimes in cool blood. _
Edward IV left two ſons behind him, the
eldeſt of whom, named Edward V, was at
that time thirteen years of age. Glouceſter
formed the deſign of taking theſe children out of
the hands of the queen their mother, and of
cauſing them to be murdered, in order to make
way for himſelf to the throne, He employed
every kind of artifice to get the princes into his
power; which as ſoon as he had effected, he
ordered them to be ſent to the Tower, pretend-
ing it was for their greater ſafety, But when
this double aſſaſſination was to be put in execu-
tion, he met with an obitacle in his way : his
emillaries having ſounded lord Haſtings, a man of
a ſour diſpoſition, found him too much attached
to the young king ever to be acceſſary to his
death. Gloucefter finding his ſecret in ſuch dan-
gerous hands, did not heſitate a moment about
| What he had to do: the council of ſtate was met
in the Tower, and Haſtings was at the board.
The duke enters with his armed men, and going
up to lord Haſtings, I arre/? thee, ſays he, for high
treaſon. Mo] me, my lord? anſwered the ac-
cuſed. Yes, thee, traytir, ſays Glouceſtor, and at
that very inſtant he ordered his head to be cut off
June in the preſence of the council *.
bis * He would ſcarce give him time to make a ſhort confeſſion
143 3. to the next prieſt that came, ſwearing he would not dine till his
bead wvas ftruck off, Accordingly, he was beheaded upon a log,
which was found on the green before the Tower chapel), Rapin.
| Having
N
and the tyrant Richard III. 369
Having thus got rid of a perſon who knew his
ſecret, and deſpiſing thoſe forms of law, by which
the moſt flagitious crimes were juſtified in Eng-
land, he hires an infamous ſet of wretches, the
very ſcum of the people, who aſſemble in Guild-
hall, and tumultuouſly declare that they will
have Richard duke of Glouceſter for their king.
The next day, the lord mayor of London, fol-
lowed by this rabble, goes and ofters him the
crown: Richard accepts of it, and is crowned with-
out calling a parliament, or without the leaſt pre-
text for this irregular proceeding. He only cauſed
it to be rumoured that king Edward his brother
was born in adultery, ſhewing that he was not
aſhamed to diſhonour his mother. And indeed it
was very difficult to imagine that Edward IV
and the duke of Glouceſter ſhould have been
born of the ſame father: the former was a very
handſome man ; the latter was diſtorted in every
part of his body, and the deformity of his coun-
tenance was as hideous as that of his mind.
Thus he founded his right entirely on his mo-
ther's ſhame ; pretending that he alone was legi-
timate, and his nephews the ſons of a baſtard.
Scarce was he crowned when one Tyrrel ſtrangled
the young king and his brother in the Tower. jy
The nation were apprized of this horrid murder, “,
and only murmured in private, ſo greatly were 83.
they changed with the times. The duke of
Glouceſter, under the title of Richard III, en-
joyed two years and an half the fruit of the
greateſt villainy that England had ever yet be-
held, notwithſtanding it had been ſo much ac-
cuſtomed to ſcenes of horror and iniquity.
R 5 During
1484.
Of Edward IV, Ch. xcvi,
During this ſhort enjoyment of the crown he
ſummoned a parliament, in which he ventured t
have his right examined. There are times in
which the people behave cowardly, in proportion
to the tyranny of their maſters. This parliament
declared that the mother of Richard III had been
uilty of adultery : that neither the late king
Edward nor his other brothers were lawful iſſue:
that the only legitimate ſon was Richard, and con-
ſequently that the crown was his right, excluſive
of the two young princes murdered in the Tower,
but concerning whoſe death they made not the
leaſt mention. The parliaments of England may
have committed greater cruelties, but never were
guilty of ſo infamous an act. Intire ages of
virtue can hardly wipe off the ſtain of fo baſe a
condeſcenſion. |
At length, at the end of two years and an
half, an avenger ventured to appear on the ſtage,
After the murder of ſo many princes of the blood
royal, there was ſtill left a ſprig of the red
roſe, concealed in Britany, whoſe name was
Henry earl of Richmond. He was not a deſcen-
dant of Henry VI ; but like him, he derived his
original from John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaſter,
ſon of the great Edward III: yet as this deſcent
was by the female line, and by a very ambiguous
marriage of this very John of Gaunt, Rich-
mond's right to the crown would have been ex-
tremely precarious, if it had not been ſtrengthen-
ed by the horror which the nation had conceived
againſt the crimes of Richard III. Henry was
as yet very young, when he formed the deſign
of revenging the blood of ſo many princes of
the houſe of Lancaſter, of puniſhing Richard 2
| an
and the tyrant Richard III. 3
and of conquering England. His firſt attempt
was unſucceſsful, and after his party had been
defeated he was obliged to return, for ſhelter to
Britany. Richard entered into a private negotiation
with the miniſter of Francis II, duke of Britany,
father of .ptinceſs Anne, who married Charles
VIII, and afterwards Lewis XII. The duke
himſelf was not capable of ſo baſe an action, but
his miniſter Landois was; and, in fact, he pro-
miſed to deliver up the earl of Richmond to the
1 The young prince fled in diſguiſe from
ritany to the territory of Anjou, where he ar-
rived but juſt an hour before the officers that were
in purſuit of him. |
It was the intereſt of Charles VIII, at that time
king of France, to protect the earl of Richmond:
the great grandſon of Charles VII would have.
been greatly deficient in politics, if having it in
his power to prejudice the Engliſh, he had omit-
ted doing it. And yet Charles lent him no more
than two thouſand men. This was indeed enough,
ſuppoſing Richmond's party conſiderable : but it
ſoon increaſed; and Richard himſelf when he
heard that his rival had landed with ſo ſmall a Aug.
force, judged that he would ſoon find an army. ö,
The whole principality of Wales, where this young 185.
prince was born, armed in his favour. At length
Richard and Richmond came to an engagement at
Boſworth field in the neighbourhood of Leiceſter “.
Richard wore the crown on his head, intending
to remind the ſoldiers that they were fighting for
their king againſt a rebel. But lord. Stanley,
one of his generals, who had long with horror
* Voltaire by miſtake ſays Litchfield,
R 6 beheld
Of Henry VII. Ch. xcvi.
beheld this bloody uſurpation, betrayed his unwor-
thy maſter, and went over with the body of troops
under his command to the earl of Richmond.
Richard had courage, which was his only good
quality. When he ſaw the battle grown deſpe-
rate, he furiouſly ruſhed into the midſt of his
enemies, and there received a more glorious death
than he deſerved. His body being found among
the flain, was carried all naked and bloody to
the town of Leiceſter ' on horſeback, his head
hanging on one ſide, and his feet on the other.
There he was two days expoſed to the view of
the populace, who refleCting on his horrid crimes
had no ſort of pity for him. Stanley took the
crown off his head, after he had been killed, and
carried it to Henry.
The victors ſang Te Deum on the field of bat-
tle, and after this prayer the whole army with
one common voice cried out, Long live king
Henry. This day put an end to the diſtractions
with which the white and red roſes had ravaged
England. The throne after ſuch a number of
bloody revolutions was at length ſettled on a ſolid
baſis. The misfortunes which had fo long perſe-
cuted the family of Edward III, were now at an
end; for Henry VII, by marrying a daughter of
Edward IV, reunited the rights of the houſes of
York and Lancaſter in his 6wn perſon. He un-
derſtood how to govern, as well as to conquer,
His reign, which lafted four and twenty years
with very little diſturbance, ſoftened, in ſome
meaſure, the manners of the nation. The par-
liaments, which he called and directed, made
very. prudent laws; the adminiſtration of juſtice
Was
Of Henry VII.
was perſecty reſtored ; and commerce, which be-
gan to flouriſh under the great Edward III, and
had been ruined during the civil wars, was ſeen
once more to raiſe its head.
England indeed
wanted it: we have an inftance of its poverty in
the extreme difficulty which Henry VII had to
raiſe, by way of loan, two thouſand pounds
ſterling, upon the city of London. His inclina-
tion joined to his neceſſities rendered him cove-
It he had been only an economiſt, he
would have been conſidered as a wiſe prince
but by a ſordid parſimony and fiſcal acquiſiti-
He kept a private
regiſter of what the confiſcations were worth to
him; a meanneſs to which no great prince ever
tous.
ons he ſtained his glory.
deſcended, At his deceaſe they found in his cof-
fers two millions ſterling : this was an immenſe
ſum ; but it would have done much greater ſer-
vice by circulation, than by lying dead in the
treaſury. However in a nation more inclined
to raiſe diſturbances than to grant money to their
ſovereign, there was a neceſlity for the king's
having a hoard.
His reign was a little diſturbed by two ſurpriz-
ing adventures, A journeyman baker *, who
pretended to be nephew to Edward IV, diſputed
the crown with him. Having been taught by a
prieſt to play his part, he was crowned at Dub-
lin, and going over to England ventured to give
battle to the king in the neighbourhood of Not-
tingham +. He was taken priſoner ; but Henry
* Lambert Simnel.
F This was called the battle of Stoke, from the village where
it was fought,
thought
Tune
16,
1487.
374
Of Henry VII. Ch. xcvi.
thought he ſhould ſufficiently humble the faction
by placing their king in his kitchen, where he
ſerved a long time as a ſcullion.
Enterprizes of an arduous nature, though un-
ſucceſsful, oftentimes excite a ſpirit of imitation :
people are encouraged by a ſtriking example, and
hope for better ſucceſs, This is inſtanced by
the fix falſe Demetrius's, ſucceflively ſeen in Muſ-
1493.
1498.
man baker was followed by the ſon of a
covy, and by many other impoſtors. The journey-
; bro-
ker at Antwerp, who acted his part much better.
'This young Jew, whoſe name was Perkin,
pretended to be fon of Edward IV. The king
of France, defirous of fomenting the ſeeds of di-
viſion in England, acknowledged and encouraged
him in the beginning, and even entertained him at
court; but afterwards chuſing to keep fair with
Henry VII, he abandoned this impoſtor to his
fate.
The old dutcheſs dowager of Burgundy, ſiſter
of Edward IV, and vidow of Charles the bold,
who ſet this ſpring a going, acknowledged the
young Jew as her nephew. He carried the farce
on much longer thin the young journey-
man baker, His Hape, his air, his valour,
ſeemed to render him worthy of the rank he
uſurped. He married a princeſs of the houſe of
York, who loved him even after the cheat was
diſcovered, He kryt the king's forces at bay five
years; he even put 5-»tland into motion, and more
than once retriev*c his loſſes. At length he was
abandoned and d wvered up to the king, who
only condemned Hin to impriſonment ; but upon
attempting to nike his eſcape, his head paid for
his temerity, Then it was that the ſpirit of
faction
General idea of the fixteenth century.
faction ſubſided, and that the Engliſh, no longer
troubleſome to their king, began to be formida-
ble to their neighbours ; eſpecially when Henry
VIII aſcending the throne, was by the extreme
ceconomy of his father, become poſſeſſor of an
ample treaſure, and by a prudent government had
eſtabliſhed his authority over a nation, who,
though of a warlike diſpoſition, were yet as ſub-
miſſive to him as it is poſſible for Engliſhmen to
be,
CCC
C HAP. XCVII.
General idea of the ſixteenth century.
HE beginning of the fixteenth century,
which we have already entered upon, exhi-
bits the nobleſt objects to our view that the theatre
of the world ever afforded. If we caſt an eye towards
thoſe who at that time reigned in Europe, their
glory or their conduct, or the great revolutions of
which they were the cauſe, immortalize their
names. At Conſtantinople it is a Selim, who
conquers Syria and Egypt, which the Maho-
metan Mamalukes had poſſeſſed ſince the
thirteenth century. After him it is his ſon,
the great Solyman, who the firſt of the Turkiſh
emperors marches up to Vienna; who is crown-
ed king of Perſia at Bagdat, which ſubmits to
his arms; and who makes Europe and Aſia
tremble. |
In the North at the ſame time we behold Guſ-
tavus Vaſa ſhaking off a foreign yoke in —_
2 All
375
' General idea Ch. xcvii.
and choſen king of that nation whoſe freedom he
aſſerted. . 5
In Muſcovy, John Baſilowitz reſcues his coun-
try from the Tartars to whom it was tributary: it
is true this prince was a barbarian, and the chief
of a nation of barbarians; yet the deliverer of
his country deſerves a rank among great princes.
In Spain, in Germany, and in Italy, we ſee
Charles the Vth, the ſovereign of all thoſe coun-
tries under different titles; we ſee him bearing
the burden of Europe; ever fighting or negoti-
ating 3 ſucceſsful a long time in politics and in
war; the only powerful emperor ſince Charle-
maign ; and the firſt king of all Spain ſince the
conqueſt of the Moors ; ſtemming the torrent of
the Ottoman arms ; making kings ; and at length
laying down the crowns with which his head was
loaded, to end his days in retirement, after having
ſo long diſturbed all Europe.
His rival in glory and politics Francis I, king
of France, leſs potent, and leſs fortunate, but
more brave and more amiable, divides between
Charles Vth and himſelf the affection and eſteem
of nations. In the midſt of his defeats he is crown-
ed with glory, and renders his kingdom flouriſhing
notwithitanding his misfortunes ; he tranſplants
the polite arts into France, which in Italy were
arrived at their higheſt degree of perfection.
Henry VIII, king of England, a prince too
cruel and too capricious to be ranked among he-
roes, has yet his place among theſe kings, both
becauſe of the revolution which he made in the
minds of the people, and of the balance which
England -g in his reign to hold among the
urope. He took for his device a
powers of
2 Warrior
of the ſixteenth century.
warrior ſtretching a bow, with theſe words : He
whom I aſſiſt, is victorious; a device which has been
ſometimes verified by his nation.
Pope Leo X is celebrated for his wit, for his
amiable behaviour, for the eminent artiſts who
immortalize his age, and for the -famous revolu-
tion which in his pontificate divided the church.
At the beginning of this ſame century, religion
and the pretence of reforming the eſtabliſhed law,
thoſe two great inſtruments of ambition, produce
the ſame effect on the coaſt of Africa as in Ger-
many; the ſame among Mahometans as among
Chriſtians. A new government and a new race of
kings are eſtabliſhed in the vaſt empire of Mo-
rocco and Fez, which extends as far as the de-
ſerts of Nigritia, Thus Aſia, Africa, and Eu-
rope, experience at the ſame time a revolution in
religion. The Perſians ſeparate themſelves for
ever from the Turks, and though acknowledging
the ſame God and the ſame prophet, they con-
ſummate the ſchiſm of Omar and Ali. Soon
after, the Chriſtians are divided alſo among them-
ſelves, and the Roman pontif is diveſted of his
Juriſdiction over one half of Europe. ;
Thus the ancient world receives a violent
ſhock, while the new world is. diſcovered and
conquered for Charles V. At. the ſame time a
trade is opened between the Eaſt-Indies and
Europe by the ſhips and arms of the Portugueſe.
On one fide, Cortez ſubdues the powerful em-
pire of Mexico, while Pizaro makes the conqueſt
of Peru with a ſmaller number of troops than is
now required to lay ſiege to a little town. On
the other ſide Albuquerque in the Eaſt-Indies
eltabliſhes the dominion and trade of Portugal
| With
3 — - . — — M4 w.2 :
: P :
- — Fer gr > EIS... y - _
378
General idea Ch. xcvii,
with almoſt as ſmall a number of forces as the
Spaniards, notwithſtanding the oppoſition of the
Indian kings, and in ſpite of the efforts of the
Mahometans who were in poſſeſſion of that trade.
Nature then produced extraordinary men in al-
moſt every kind, eſpecially in Italy.
But what is ſtill more ſurprizing in this illuſtti-
ous age, is, that notwithſtanding the wars excited
by ambition, and notwithſtanding the religious
quarrels which began to embroil the ſtates of Eu-
rope, that fame genius which made the polite
arts flouriſh at Rome, Naples, Florence, Venice,
and Fetrara, and from thence communicated its
diſcoveries to the reſt of Europe; that ſame ge-
nius, I ſay, immediately civilized the manners of
mankind in almoſt every part of Chriſtendom.
This change was in part owing to the court of
Francis I, This prince and Charles the Vth had
entered into a conteſt of glory, chivalry, and po-
liteneſs, even in the midſt of their moſt bloody
quarrels; and this conteſt Having created an emu-
lation in the courtiers, adorned that age with an
air of grandeur and politeneſs till then unknown
to Europe. ;
The opulence of the age contributed likewiſe
to this change ; and this opulence growing more
general, was, by a ſtrange revolution, in part, the
conſequence of the fatal loſs of Conſtantinople :
for not long after, the whole commerce of the Ot-
toman empire was carried on by Chriſtians, who
ſold even the ſpices of the Indies to the Turks,
loading their ſhips with this commodity at Alex-
andria, and afterwards tranſporting it to the ports
of the Levant.
Induſtry
of the fixteenth century.
Induſtry was every where excited, Marſeilles
carried on a prodigious trade, and Lyons had ex-
cellent manufactures. The towns of the Low
Countries were grown more flouriſhing than
when ſubject to the houſe of Burgundy, The
introducing of the fair ſex to the court of Francis I,
made it the center of magnificence as well as of
politeneſs. The manners of the people were
more gloomy in England, where a capricious cruel
prince fat on the throne; but London at that
time was beginning to taſte the ſweets of com-
merce,
In Germany the cities of Augſburg and Nu-
renberg were now the mart of the riches of
Aſia, which they drew from Venice; fo that
they ſoon felt the effects of their correſpondence
with the Italians. In Augſburg they had ſeveral
houſes, whoſe walls were adorned with paintings
in freſco aſter the Venetian taſte. In a word,
Europe began to ſee ſome halcyon days, when
they were foon troubled by the ſtorms which the
emulation between Charles V and Francis I un-
fortunately raiſed : but above all, the religious
diſputes which broke out at that time, ſullied the
end of this century to ſuch a degree, as to render
it quite frightful, and to infect it with a kind of
barbarouſneſs, unknown even to the ancient Huns
and Heruli,
A Chrono-
379
A Chronological TABLE of ſovereign princes
for the ſecond volume of this hiſtory, which
includes the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries.
Popes,
Innocent III.
Honorius III.
Gregory IX.
Celeſtin Iv.
Innocent Iv.
Alexander IV.
Urban IV.
Clement Iv.
Gregory X.
Innocent v.
Adrian v.
John XXI.
Nicholas III.
Martin IV.
Honorius IV.
Nicholas IV.
S. Celeſtin v.
Boniface VIII.
Benedict XI.
Clement V.
1 XXII.
edict XII.
Clement VI,
Innocent VI,
Urban V,
Gregory XI,
Urban VI.
Clement VII,
Boniface IX.
Innocent VII,
Gregory X 1.
Alexander V,
122 XXIII.
L:artin V.
Eugene IV.
Nicholas V.
Calixtus III.
Pius II.
Paul II.
Sixtus IV.
Innocent VIII.
Alexander VI.
Pius III. 5 N 1
WW ">
2
119 8
1216
1227
1241
1273
1254
1201
1265
1271
1276
1276
1279
1277
1281
128
128
1294
1294
1303
130
131
1334
1342
132
1362
1370
1378
1378
1389
1404
14 6
Julius II. 1553
Emperors of Germany.
Philip 1199
Otho IV. 1203
Frederick II. 1212
Conrad IV.
12 50
William, earl of Holland —
Richard, of Cornwall 1257
Interregnum which laſt- J 12 1
ed two years, viz. 1272
Rodolph I. count of
Habſburg 73
Adolphus of Naſſau 192
Albert I. 1298
Henry VII. of Luxemburg 1308
Lewis V. of Bavaria 134
Charles IV. of Luxemburg 1347
Wenceſlaus, king of Bo-
hemia : : 1378
Robert, Elector Palatine 1400
Sigiſmund, king of Bo- } 1411
ia
Houſe of Auſtria,
Albert II. 143%
Frederick III. 1440
Maximilian I, 1493
Charles v. 1519
Emperors of Conſtantinople,
Alexius Angelus, called
the tyrant : | 1195
Alexius the younger 1203
Alexius IV. 1203
Murtzuphlus 1204
Latin Emperors,
Baldwin 1204
Henry 1206
Peter de Courtenay 1216
Robert de Courtenay 1218
Baldwin II. =
A Table of ſovereign princes. |
The Greek Emperors continued. |
Theodore Laſcaris 1206
John Duca: 1222
Theodore the younger 1255
ohn the blind. 1259
ichael Paleologus who 0
retook Conſtantinople 1260
Andronicus Paleologus
the elder { 1205
Andronicus Paleolozus 5 1328
the younger
John Paleologus 1343
John Cantacuzenus 1347
John Paleologus reſtored 1355
Manuel Paleologus 1391
Jobn Paleologus II. 1419
Conſtantine Paleologus 1448
Ottoman Emperors.
Ottoman 1300
Orcham 1327
Solyman I. 1358
Amurath I, 1361
Bajazet I. 1389
Joſue or Iſa 1402
Muſulman or Calupin 1406
Moyſes or Muſa 1412
Mahomet J. 1413
Amurath II. 1421
Mahomet II. 1451
Bajazet II. 1481
Selim I, 1512
Emperors of Japan.
Sintoku 1211
Forikawa II. 1222
Si Dſio 1233
Saga 1243
Fikakuſa II. 1247
Kame jamma 1260
Gouda 1275
Fuſimi I. 1288
Fuſimi II. 1299
Nidſio II. 1302
Fanna Sonno 1308.
Daigo II. 1319
refigns to Kwo Oien
"Ry
Daigo II. reſumes the
— 7334
Kwo Mio 1337
Siukwo 1349
Kwo Gien II, 1352
Co Jen Ju 1372
Go Komatz 1383
Seok wo 1413
Go Funna So 1429
Tiutfi Mikaddo II, 1465
Kaſiuwabara 1501
Emperors of China,
Li-cum 1225
Tu-cum 1265
Cum-cum 1275
Tuon-cum 1277
Ti-pim 1279
Of the family called Y ven,
Xi=cu 1280
Chim- um 1295
Vu-cum 1308
Gin-cum 1312
Ym-cum 1321
Yai-tim 1324
Mim-cum 1329
Ven-cum 1330
Xum: ti 1333
Of the family called Mim.
Tai-cu 1369
Kien- ven- ti 1399
Chin- xu 1404
Gin-gum 1404
Siven- cum 1426
Ym-gum 1436
Kimti a A 1450
Ym-cum reſumes the
4 — 1457
| Hien cum 1465
Hiao-gum 1488
Grand Moguls or Emperors of
dia. |
Tamerlane 1370
Miracha 1405
Abouchaid 1451
A Table of ſovereign prifices.
Zec-Omor 1469
Babar 1493
Kings of Perſia of the Tartar
rs -
Chinguiſan 1224
Oktaykahon 1228
Gayukkan 1242
Maechukahon 1247
Ulohkuhan 1260
Habkaykahan 1262
Hamedkan 1282
Arghonk hon 1283
Gaynatuk bon 1202
Baydukhan 1295
Gazun 1296
Alyaptu 1305
Abuſayd 1317
Gempſa 1337
Tamerlane 1372
Kings of Perſia of the faction
called the black ram, and ſuc-
ceſſors of Tamerlane.
Karaiſſaf
Mahoreth
Amirſcandar
Jaoncha
Azen-Aly
Kings of Perſia of the faction
called the white ram, and de-
ſcended from Uſſum Caſſan.
1403
1421
1431
14;8
1468
Uſſum-Caſlan 1470
Yacubbek 1478
23 1485
Bayſangor 1488
Ruſtan 1490
Achmet 1497
Taraben 1498
Alvantes 1498
Kings of Perfia of the name of
| _
Schah Iſmael Sophi I. 1499
Schah Thamas | 1525
© Kings of England,
Henry III. 1216
Edward I, 1272
Edward II. 1307
Edward III. 1327
Richard II. 1377
The line of Lancaſter.
Henry IV. 1399
Henry V. 1413
Henry VI. 1422
The line of York,
Edward IV, 1461
Edward V, 1483
Richard II. 1453
The families united.
Henry VII. 143;
Henry V1II, 1509
Kings of France,
Lewis VIII. 1233
S. lewis IX. 1226
Philip III called the 3% 1270
Philip IV, called the fair 285
Lewis X. called Hutin 114
Philip V. called the Long 116
Charles IV. called the fa 11321
Philip VI. of Valois 14323
John ſurnamed the Good 13 0
Charles V. or the wiſe 1354
Charles VI. called the
Bien-aime
Charles VII. called the
138⁰
victorious. DA
Lewis XI. 1461
Charles VIII. 1453
Lewis XII. 1497
Francis I. 1514
Kings of Caſtile.
Henry I. 1214
Alfonſo IX. king of 1217
Leon and Caſtile
S. Ferdinand III. 1226
Alfonſo X. ſurnamed
the wiſe or the aſtro- p 125%
nomer
Sancho ul, 1234
Joha Lackland 1199
Ferdinand
2
7
/
7
A Table of ſovereign Princes.
Ferdinand IV. 1295 | Martin
Alfonſo XI, 1312 | Ferdinand = Ju
Peter the Cruel 1352 | Alfonſo V
Henry II, ſurnamed 1:60 | John II.
Tranſtamare 309 | Ferdinand V.
John I. 1379 | Married to Iſabella of
Henry III. 1395 Caſtile.
John II. 14 6 Kin P al,
"op gs of Portug
_— N 114540 Alfonſo 11.
Ferdinand V, called the Sancho II.
Catholic, who marri- þ 1474 Alfonſo III.
ed Ilabella of Caſtile Denis
. Alfonſo IV,
Kings of Navarre, Peter 1.
Thibaut I. or the Great, + 1234 Ferdinand
count of Champagne 3 John I,
Thibaut IT. I254 | Edward
Henry ſurnamed the Great 1270 | Alfonſo v.
Joan I, 1273 | John 11,
Philip the fair 1284 Emmanuel the Great
ne oo "I John III.
Philip the Lon 131 .
. oh 1 — 1 Kings of Scotland.
oan II. 1328 Alexander II,
Philip III. count d'Evreux 1328
Charles ſurnamed the Bad 1343
Charles II. ſurnamed
the Noble
Blanche II.
1386
Alexander III.
* Baliol
Lobert Bruce
Robert III.
1212
1233
1246
1279
1325
1357
1367
1384
1433
1435
1451
1475
1521
1213
1250
1 300
1306
Robert II. ſurnamed Stuart 1371
ü 1425 r 3%
ohn k f A Ames 40
3 | rragon —_ James II. 2 1448
Francis Phebus 1479 | James III. 1452
Catharine 1433 James IV. 1491
John d' Albret 1484 James Ne 1514
Henry d' Albret 1516 irg of Denmark.
Joan III. 1555 [Waldemar II. |
Antony of Bourbon 1548 | — —_
Henry Iv. 1572 | Abel 12509
Kings of Arragon, Chriſtopher I, 1252
James I. 1213 | Eric VII. 1259
Pete: IIT, 1275 Eric VIII. 1286
Alfonſo III. 1286 | Chriſtopher II. 1321
Tames II. 1291 Waldemar III. 1333
Alfonſo IV. 1327 Margaret with Aquin 1376
Peter IV, 1336 Eric IX. 1412
Ichn 4188 | Abdicates and then fol- 1
ows
A Table of ſovereign princes.
lows a fix years a- |
narchy,
Chriſtopher III. 144
Chriſtian I, 144
ohn 1482
Chriſtian II. 1513
Kings of Sweden,
Sherco III. 119:
Eric X, 121!
Joha I. 1219
Eric XI. 1223
Waldemar 1251
Magnus II, 1276
Birger 1282
Magnus II, 1326
Albert 1326
Margaret 1361
Eric XII. 1396
Chriſtopher 1438
Charles VIII. 1448
Chriſtian I, 14.58
Steno Stur I, Regent 1470
ohn II. 1497
teno Stur II. Regent 150 4
Kings of Poland.
Leſcus V, 1195
Ladiſlaus III. 1202
Leſcus V. reſtored 1206
Boleſlaus V. 1226
Leſcus VI. 1279
Interregnum of eight 1289
years
Primiſlaus 1295
Ladiſlaus IV. 1296
Wenceſlaus k. of Bohemia 1 309
Ladiſlaus IV. reſtored 1305
Caſimir III. or the Great 1333
Lewis king of Hungary 1370
Hedwidge married to Ja-
gellon duke of Lithua-
nia, who took the name
of |
Ladiſlaus V.
Ladiſlaus VI.
1382
1386
Ladiſlaus VII. king of
Hungary ' ; *.
——
Caſimir IV. 1444
John Albert 1492
Alexander 1501
Czars of Muſcovy,
Geor, II. 123;|Bafil II. 1400
Joreſlaus II, [George III.
Alexander, Baſil III.
Daniel, John Baſfilo.
Jchn I, witz the Great
Simon, 14.50
_ II. Baſil IV. 1505
emetrius II.
Kings of Hungary,
Ladiſlaus III. 1204
Andrew Il, 12 5
Bela IV. 1233
Stephen V. 1200
Ladiflaus IV. 1272
Andrew III. called the
Venetian *
Wenceſlaus 1301
Otho | 1305
Charles Robert 1310
Lewis J. 1342
Mary 1382
Charles III. 1383
Sigiſmund 1387
Albert of Auſtria 1138
Ladiſlaus V. 1440
John Corvin or Hunniades 1444
Ladiſlaus VI, 1452
Matthias Corvin 148
Ladiſlaus VII. 1490
Lewis II. 1515
Earls of Savoy and Maurienre.
Thomas 1188
Amadeus IV, 1233
Boniface 1255
Peter 1253
Philip 1268
Amadeus V. or the Great 1279
Edward 1323
Aymon 1329
Amadeus VI. 1343
Amadeus VII. 1383
Duits
A Table of ſovereign princes.
Dukes of Savoy,
Amadeus VIII. reſigned 1391
Franceſco Dandolo
Andreg Dandolo
Marino Falieri
Giovanni Gradenigo
Giovanni Deifini
Lorenzo Celfi
Marco Cornaro
Andrea Contarini
Michele Morofini
Antonio Venier
Michele Stenone
Tommaſo Mocenigo
Franceſco Foſcari
Paſcale Malipiero
Criſtoforo Moro
Nicolao Trono
Nicolao Marcelli
Pietro Mocenigo
Andrea Vendtamino
Marco Barbarigo
Lewis 1434
Amadeus IX, 1465
Philibert I, 1472
Charles I. 1482
Charles John Amadeus 1490
Philip Lackland 1496
Philibert Il, 1496
Charles III. 1504
Doges of Venice.
go Choſen the year
Enrico Dandolo 1192
Pietro Ziani 1205
Giacomo Tiepolo 1228
Marino Moroſini 1248
Regnier Zeno 1252
Lorenzo Tiepolo 1258
Giacomo Contarini 1275
Giovanni Dandolo 1280
Pietro Gradenigo 1290
Marino Giorgio 13c 2
Giovanni Soranzo 1313
*
Vox. II.
Auguſtino Barbarigo
Leonardo Loredani
Bartolomeo Gradenigo -
Giovanni Mocenigo +
|
— — 1
1
— « — n= Hoe 4 ee en
7 1 R
|
|
|
* —
.
LS
8 2» |
$3; x ; . 5
e?pr | Errata.
TT |
F. 26. 1. 3. for Ay read with, P. 30. I. 26. gele time. P. 38.
Sale rng. P. 43. 1. 3. dele the firſt chat. P. 9 1. I. S. from
; bottom, dele ον. P. 124. 1. 9. ſor they read laws, P. 153.
from the bottom, before Zfs, for a read the, P. 168. I. ro.
fram the bottom, before abandoned read moſt, P. 171. 1, 1. dele
pubich was, P. 180. 1, 18. for cazoni read canzonj, P. 215. 1,
20, before monk.dele a, P. 245: I. 18. for Chriftianity read Chri-
rer, P. 299. J. 6. from the bottom, dele ze, P. 305. J. 4.
for theſe read * P. 343. 1.8. from the bottom, dele 2 after
* P. 352. 4 ter ihe laft line inſert the following paragraphs.
He maintained the ſtanding euſtom of the parliaments of the
kingdom, which was to pitch upon three perſons to fill a vacant
plate, and the king nominated one of the three, The dignities
of the long robe were at that time given to none but advocates ;
they were the conſequence of merit, or of a reputation that ſup-
poſeth merit. His famous edi& of 1499 ſhould never be omitted
by our hiſtorians, as it has rendered his memory dear to all thoſe
who adminiſter, and who ſeek for juſtice. By this edict he or-
dains, that the law foall always be obſerved, notwithflanding any
_* contrary orders, which by the importunity of courtiers may be extorted
from the monarch,
Our general plan of ſtudying hiſtory, admits but of few de-
tails ; but particulars, like theſe, which form the happineſs of
Rates, and afford inftrution to good princes, merit our ſpecial
attention.
P. 371. I. 17. before grandſon dele greats
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